| Titre | 68 et l'autonomie des organisations de jeunesse : une parenthèse dans l'histoire des partis français | |
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| Auteur | Mathieu Dubois | |
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Revue | Revue historique |
| Numéro | no 675, juillet 2015 | |
| Page | 647-666 | |
| Résumé |
Élément-clé de l'identité et du fonctionnement des mouvements de jeunesse, l'autonomie a constitué un enjeu fondamental de l'engagement des jeunes dans les partis politiques français au cours des années 68. Au-delà de la crise précoce de l'UEC, l'autonomie des jeunes a en effet été, dans toutes les organisations de jeu-nesse des partis (MJCF, UJP, PS, JRI), au cœur des rapports souvent conflictuels des jeunes avec leurs aînés. Dans la plupart des organisations, les jeunes obtinrent peu à peu davantage d'autonomie organisationnelle, financière, voire parfois politique. Toutefois, cette autonomie accordée aux jeunes ne constituait souvent aux yeux de leurs aînés qu'une concession passagère, sur laquelle ils ne tardèrent pas à revenir dès la fin des années 68. Contrairement à leurs homologues allemands, les partis français choisirent de conserver longtemps leurs jeunes sous tutelle. Il fallut atten-dre les années 1990-2000 pour voir la plupart des organisations de jeunesse françaises accéder à nouveau à l'autonomie. Cette évolution lente et tardive des modèles d'encadrement militants constitue une caractéristique de la culture politique des partis français dans l'après-guerre. Elle explique en partie l'influence limitée de « 68 » sur la vie politique française. Source : Éditeur (via Cairn.info) |
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| Résumé anglais |
Since the end of the 19th century, the autonomy of younger members has been a key element to the identity, the functioning, and the evolution of youth organizations of political parties. More generally, the autonomy reflects the relationship between the political parties and their members, the importance of internal hierarchies and the choice of an organizational model. The autonomy of youth organizations can thus be perceived as an important element in the analysis of political cultures.This paper proposes a comparative perspective between the French and the West-German case to shed light on the evolution of the autonomy of youth organizations. The German historian Wolfgang Krabbe suggests an interpretation of the history of 20th century youth organizations in Germany based on four models: 1) mentoring and popular education organizations, 2) auxiliary sections of the party, 3) pools of future cadres, 4) autonomous political youth. During the 1968s, most of the organizations tended toward the last model. This period can therefore be interpreted as a watershed moment in the autonomy of youth organizations and the transformation of political cultures within the parties. In the French case, the issue of the autonomy of youth organizations has never been as acute as during the 1968s. In the context of the generational conflict, which can be seen in the crisis of the Union of Communist Students (UEC) and was then exacerbated by the student movement, the credibility of party youth organizations required greater critical distance vis-à-vis their elders. Given the silence of political general staff in May 68, the events were often an occasion for younger members to experiment with a de facto autonomy in the field. In the wake of the movement, the parties accepted to bestow a broader organizational, financial and sometimes even political autonomy to the main youth organizations of the time: the Movement of the Communist Youth of France (MJCF), the Union of Youth for the Progress (UJP), and the Movement of the Socialist Youth (MJS). Unlike this evolution, the Young Independent Republicans (JRI) continued to claim their tight affiliation to the party and remained an exception in the French landscape of political youth organizations. In the eyes of many party leaders, this still fragile autonomy was, however, nothing but a passing concession that they soon reneged. The years 1974-1978 thus saw the break-up of some parties with their youth organizations or the takeover of these organizations by the party, whereas in other parties the autonomy of youth became increasingly formal. Contrary to their German counterparts, the French parties chose to keep their youth organizations under trusteeship for a long time. It took another two decades to see most of the French youth organizations regain autonomy in the 1990s and 2000s. This slow and late evolution of the tutelary model of political activism constitutes a feature of the political culture of French parties. It partly explains the limited influence of May 68 on French political life. In this sense, the events opened a parenthesis rather than a lasting evolution. Source : Éditeur (via Cairn.info) |
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| Article en ligne | http://www.cairn.info/article.php?ID_ARTICLE=RHIS_153_0647 |
