Contenu du sommaire

Rudolf Andorra : Social mobility, economic development and socio-professional changes in the working population of Hungary. A comprehensive survey (1930-1970). There are different theories in sociological litterature on the factors influencing social mobility. Hungary disposes of data on social mobility from the census of 1930 and 1949, from special surveys in Budapest between the two wars, as well as from a very detailed social mobility survey by the Demographic Research Institute of the Central Statistical Office in 1962-1964. On the other hand Hungary underwent profound social and economic changes in past decades. Thus analysis and comparison of Hungarian mobility data from different periods may contribute to the understanding of the factors determining social mobility. Before 1945 social mobility was rather low, especially between the the main social strata, i.e. peasants, workers and non-manuals. It was the group of merchants and artisans, declining in number, which supplied to an important degree the inflow into the non-manual and the working class. After the Second World War social mobility increased. In consequence more than 2/3 of the professional and executive group, and more than 4/5 of the other non-manual group, originated from manual and peasant fathers, and more than half of the workers from peasants. Most of the mobility was structural. Circular mobility did not increase to an important degree. That does not mean, however, that society did not become more equal from the point of view of the chances of mobility. Intragenerational mobility played an important part in these mobility processes. Rather surprisingly upward and downard mobility in most cases were connected with achievement/resp. non-achievement/ of and appropriate school qualification. These data may be interpreted in terms of rate of economic development: After the Second Ward higher economic growth rate caused more important changes in occupational structure, as compared to the period between the two wars, and in consequence structural mobility increased.

Marcel Fournier : Concerning the influence of French sociology in Quebec. More than a mere analysis of the interactions and exchanges between social scientists communities, this study, dealing with the respective international position of two scientific communities, consists in the analysis of the functions of the frequent borrowings from French sociology made by the French Canadian social scientists. The author attempts to demonstrate that, within the last ten years, the Quebec sociological field has won a greater autonomy in regard to the American and French sociological writings : the signs being the increasing rate of quotations of local social scientists writings and the number of professors in social science who were trained in local universities.

Catherine Gajdos : Culture and technique deadlock : the industry managers. On the basis of a statistical study made by the U.I.M.M. about the training and roles of engineers and managers in the iron industry, the author criticizes the traditional concept of professional uninterruption in the firm on a continuous scale of qualifications and roles. The cohesion of the managing class is not due to a community of professional perspective but rather to the internalization of an « industrial culture » carrying some of the notions related to the ideology of the « producer » and to its modern aspects.

Richard Hamilton and James D. Wright : The support for hard-line foreign policy. Support for the bombing of Manchuria in 1952 and an escalation of the war in Vietnam in 1964 and 1968 is discussed in the context of Lipset's (1959) thesis of « working class authoritarianism ». On the basis of Lipset's original formulation, one expects the « tough » or « punitive » policy options to be preferred by the less -educated, the non- affluent, the old, and the working class. The data for Korea in 1952 and Vietnam in 1964 show just the opposite to be the case; in both instances, the « tough » options were preferred most by the high status groups. In 1968, however, class and policy preference were not strongly related. The evidence shows that the attenuation of the relationship from 1964 to 1968 was due almost entirely to a disproportionate shift away from the escalation option among the high status groups, and that this high status shift was in turn largely a reflection of the greater attention of the high status groups to print media which had themselves shifted on the war issue in the 1964-1968 period. The implications of these results for the class authoritarianism thesis and the mass society theory are discussed.