Contenu du sommaire : Pillages et pirateries

Looting and Piracy
The association of theses two words, looting and piracy is borne out by two commons features : the weakness of the state and an intolerable aggravation of the poverty which leads human groups to violence. In this issue it's not the metaphorical acception which is held, but the classical meaning : looting is a war act with massives thefts and destructions ; piracy stands for every illicit and violent act or detention commited by the crew of a private boat for private objectives against another boat, on the open sea. That is why grasping geographical background of each of these geopolitical situations is essential to understand them.

Is Darfur a model for 21st-century wars? From Janjawid pillagers to the buccaneers of globalisation's emerging powers
This interview aims at showing, from the field experience of Marc Lavergne, the link between the plundering and mass killings committed since 2003 in the Darfur homesteads by the “janjawid” tribal militias, and the Sudan government's projects concerning the socio-ethnic reshaping of this region, with the purpose of easing its colonial-like economic exploitation. Behind the plunders committed at the local level is the management by the central power of the territory and the population under its control to be identified as the predation of the resources for its own benefit.

Mineral resources, arms and violence in Eastern Congo
In RDC, links between illegal trade of minerals and permanent conflicts in Ituri and in the two Kivus are obvious according to several international reports. Coltan, stain and gold trafficking, under military groups control and with several traders belonging to international networks, provides funds for arms et emphasizes tensions in a very well structured fraudulent and military economy. From 1994 to 2008, consequences have been frightful : population exodus, sexual violence against women, child enrolment as soldiers, environmental losses.

The Role of natural resources in the case of armed conflicts in Africa
The relationship between wars and natural resources led to a political ecology of war : wars of resources, environmental wars, wars of pillaging or of secession tied to natural resources. The natural resources of the subsoil can, by their very abundance, stoke the fires of violent control measures (colonial, imperial, pillaging). Those of the ground can, by their dearth (water, earth), intensify tensions. By taking up the case of armed conflicts in Africa, the present article differentiates among : 1/ the entanglement of factors and actors of the conflict, 2/ the political economy of the conflicts, 3/ the specific role of natural resources.

Piracy as a land threat: the Somalian and Indonesian cases
Since spring 2008, hijackings and hostage crises off Somalia have announced the return of the pirates. Western people have been victims of these attacks. Subsequently, naval patrols have been set up as a response, following the example of the operations launched in 2004-2006 in the Malacca Straits, where piracy seems to be under control. But is it really the best way to eradicate this plague in the long term, regarding the operational and legal difficulties ? Wouldn't it be better to focus on the “land roots” of piracy ? This threat grows in areas cut off from the administrative and economic poles, among the outcasts of the globali zation. That is why a comprehensive approach would be more relevant to stabilize the states from where pirates come and to check the flows of dirty money as well as of intelligence. This fight will be long. Some new initiatives in Somalia allow for optimism. Nevertheless, some new attacks occurred recently between the Malacca Straits and the South China Sea after the monsoon.

Piracy in the Gulf of Aden: are the great powers disarmed?
In the Gulf of Aden, Somali pirates using small speedboats threaten the main sea route through which half the world's oil traffic is shipped. They mainly attack along the Yemeni shore and take refuge in the ports of the Somali coast of the Indian Ocean. The international armada which has supported since 1991 the Nato intervention in Afghanistan, even with the help of sea bases, seems to be powerless to capture them. Have they been allied to Al Qaeda and then created a diversion on the southern flank of the armed forces which are “combating against terrorism”? Otherwise have they continued, at sea, to fight a civil war which for 20 years has torn Somalia ?

The mafia and the legal economy: pillage and razzia
We deal with the issue of pillage in relation to the practices of the mafia in Italy. The specificity of the mafia is to be a criminal association which operates in the legal economy : the mafia indeed owns declared enterprises within legitimate businesses. These enterprises we qualify as “legal mafia-owned” allow for the plundering of the territories under mafia control. This entails a systematic harnessing and embezzlement of resources in these territories. This explains for the hurdles to development observed. Non-mafiosi agents are excluded and cannot grasp economic opportunities anymore. Wealth is then drained exclusively by and for the mafiosi. Moreover, the mafia also engages in genuine razzias, even outside its territory. These razzias are linked to states of emergency such as earthquakes and waste crisis. They allow the mafia to take over public funds.

Bio-piracy : Reality or Medio-political manipulation? The Kraho Indian's case in Brazilian Amazonia
This article aims to present a case of “bio-piracy” in Brazilian Amazonia, at the Kraho Indian territory in the state of Tocantins. One seeks to show how the term “bio-piracy” can often mask the real conflicts on the spot and the magnitude of the stakes in bioprospection. It is interesting to consider this case because it illustrates the rivalries of interests in the exploration of a territory.

Piracy in Niger Delta, between looting and vandalism
The Niger Delta's waters became in 2008 the second most dangerous worldwide right after the Somalian waters. Attacks conducted by militant movements or just simple pirates who became more and more organized and better equipped, started to grow in number causing the most important petroleum losses in the history of Nigeria. With the fall of the production in 2008 below two million barrels per day, Nigeria tries with mediocre military and political means to stop these attacks causing the loss of billions of dollars yearly. Yet, militants who ask for a better share of oil income don't need to be much elaborate to convince the population of the bad management of the Energy sector by the Federal State. The latter of which refers to the import of refined oil to fulfill ¾ of its consumption. On the other hand, gas thermal facilities run out of supplies on an almost daily basis, whereas the country holds the largest reserves of Africa.

Pirates of Cyberspace
Cyberpirates have become a challenge to the security of nation-states in a context of increased dependency over computers and worldwide networks interconnection. China seems to be emerging as a major threat on the cybercrime scene. Denial-of-service attacks by botnets, phishing, spams, scams, swindle... cyberattacks can take different forms and don't necessarily bear geopolitical consequences. They can be pure fraud, intelligence or cyberwar attacks. These different types are hard to distinguish since identifying and localizing pirates is technically very challenging. Fighting cyberattacks is politically equally challenging as it can threaten civil liberties and would involve international cooperation in a context of information warfare where nation-states have a vested interest in defending their information supremacy.

The political benefit of “spoiling” accusations: The case of water multinationals in Argentina, the example of Córdoba
After the 2001 crisis, the multinationals settled in Argentina were subject to regular attacks from public authorities. In a context of massive impoverishment – especially of the middle class – the radicalisation of the political discourse of the Kirchner administration (2003-2007) found a relatively marked echo in the public opinion. The multinational was then perceived as a “spoiler” that had made a lot of money during several years but was no longer respecting its contractual commitments. The devaluation of the peso actually changed the framework for private sector participation and definitely put an end to the arrangements favourered by the Menem government (1989-1999). In particular, the most virulent attacks were targeting the water and sanitation sector. But apart from the economic downturn, political factors also contribute to explain this high degree of conflicts and tensions, as well as the withdrawal of private operators after fruitless renegotiations. The case of Córdoba is relevant to demonstrate to what extent the attacks against the private operator could serve local political strategies.