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Since Schumpeter, various economists have attempted to follow his example in restoring technical innovation to the center of the stage in the explanation of competition and economic development. In the case of Hungary, it is vital to change the surroundings of innovation. In a transition period, when the information system is under change, it is not too easy to collect and give correct data on the situation and enterprises' motivation. This article is based upon a survey and official statistics. It illustrates the blind alley and the road which leads out of it.

Soviet aid toward the consolidation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea It is too often thought sufficient to approach Khmero-Soviet relations from the angle of Soviet-Vietnamese relations. Moreover, the latter are far from being purely diplomatic exercise. It must not be forgotten that Moscow's allies, the GDR and Czechoslovakia in particular, also established political and economic relations which must now be considered in the light of the upheavals at present taking place in Eastern Europe. It is known that, for ten years now, Soviet Russia has been making arms deliveries direct to Phnom Penh. How far can this seem as an obstacle to resolving the conflict ? Since M.S. Gorbachev's coming to power, the USSR has been putting pressure on Viet Nam to withdraw its troops from Cambodia. Indeed Moscow's current view it that this military occupation constitutes an « intolerable » burden on the Vietnamese economy and, by implication, on the Soviet treasury. Moreover, the Cambodian situation is, for the Russians, a considerable hindrance to improvement of their relations with China and the ASEAN. As for finding a way out of the dilemma, it remains to be seen what the Kremlin intends for Prince Norodom Sihanouk and the Khmer rouge. Conflicting interests, contradictory strategies vis-à-vis Phnom Penh ? Moscow will not persuade its Khmer ally to change direction except through the size of its economic and military aid, which ensures the viability of the régime. But the ideological approaches of Heng Samrin-Hun Sen's pro-Vietnamese régime are, from now on, aiming at a greater economic autonomy which, de facto, calls into question part of the Soviet Union's means of exerting pressure. This is why it is important to measure, systematically and as efficiently as possible, how far the Khmer economy depends on its « Soviet Big Brother », whether through cooperative agreements, or more simply by trade. If the authorities in Phnom Penh believe that the USSR is in no way an absolute guarantor of indépendance from the two regional powers who have for decades been trying to subjugate them, there is nothing to prove that the hand-outs of recent years will continue, or that western credits will take their place.

Economie reform and decentralization : the case of the Shanghai Economic Region The present paper analyzes the stages and the modalities of the establishment of the Shanghai Economic Region from 1982 to 1989. It examines how an ambitious reform aiming at restoring and promoting inter-regional economic development in the Lower- Yangzi area was caught in a double trap, that of an authoritarian and bureaucratic conception of reform, and that of the local powers'selfishness. The real actors of economic life — enterprises — took no part in the decision-making process. Moreover, the economic region was set up through a succession of ad hoc measures and in the absence of a clear legal framework. The few successful undertakings actually completed cannot hide the global failure of an initiative that has contributed mainly to highlight the contradictions of the Chinese political and economic system.

Joint-venture enterprises in Eastern Europe By the end of the 1960's, the majority of East European countries had worked out a body of legislation relating to the setting-up of joint- venture enterprises. However, it was not until the second half of the 1980's, after the texts had undergone what was, in general, a more liberal reworking, that the movement began to take shape. With particular emphasis on the case of Poland, the author begins by describing the position of joint-venture enterprises in that country, both from the juridical angle, and from the practical aspects. The next section is concerned with the regulations operating in other East European countries, including the Soviet Union. What emerges is that all these countries have, in the main, been faced with similar problems (lack of experience, inconvertibility of currency, delays in development) which the author examines in turn. In conclusion she offers various statistical data, rapidly superseded given the upheavals at present taking place in that part of the world. None the less, her figures give an idea of how joint-venture enterprises have developed, what factors are favourable to them, and what are the negative influences, such as geographic concentration and the inadequate diversification of western partners.

The revival of countertrade in East- West economic cooperation In the second half of the 1980's, the interest in various forms of countertrade arrangements began to grow again, despite the fact that they had been regarded as very costly and anachronistic ways of trade financing. Owing to the high level of indebtedness of the Comecon countries, there was a rather narrow choice in instruments of payments in East- West economic cooperation. The East-European countries'demands for countertrade have made that choice even more difficult and hindered to some extent further promotion of East- West trade. This paper discusses some reasons for using countertrade arrangements as well as the most visible advantages and disadvantages of that trading technique. Its basic aim is to point at the necessity of a diversification of financing techniques in East- West trade and economic cooperation and of dealing with countertrade professionally and without prejudices. Such an approach to trade financing will be needed in order to expand international business and, more particularly, East- West trade.

The case of an alienated sociology as a witness and a agent of macro-social change The main task of this article is to evaluate to what extent and under what conditions a critically oriented sociology (with respectable traditions) is able to fulfil a function of diagnosing, designing, suggesting and monitoring social changes on the macro-social- level. The answer — based on the case of Polish sociology — is sceptical, if not negative. Firstly, Polish sociology has recently lost its leading place in Central/Eastern Europe, and in consequence is no longer able to provide the master-frame of reference for sociologists from other Eastern-European countries. Secondly, Polish sociology has been unable to develop a comprehensive theory of social changes which have taken part in Eastern Europe. Thirdly, Polish sociology has developed a specific type of approach to social sciences. On the one hand, this approach generated of an instrumental type of scholar, who does not care about truth and who treats scientific inquiry as a means for accomplishing non-scholarly goals. On the other hand, there has emerged the type of a spectacular scholar who uses his/her real, or fabricated, scholarly recognition to support certain political ideas (sometimes « dissident »), and who is also used by a political lobby as a political figurehead. Both forms are applied as self-promoting strategies. Fourthly, Polish sociology has been unable to utilize the unique « historical and social laboratory » of Polish society to give an adequate diagnosis of that society. The resultant lack of a synthesis precludes Polish sociologists to formulate recommendations of social change on the macro-level. Fifthly, those Polish sociologists who had been active in imposing Marxist dogmas on the Polish ' academia ' now play a leading role in the Polish democratic transformations.