Contenu du sommaire : Administrer le sommet de l'exécutif

There are a multitude of difficulties which suggest that any comparison of executive powers should be avoided. However, a certain number of tendencies and particularities are emerging. An increased number of constraints are pushing towards a centralisation of authority at the level of executive power. An ensemble of similar tasks have to be carried out by personnel working for those who exercise executive powers but the relative weight of each of these tasks remains specific to each country. The essential characteristic which marks top-level personnel remains their institutional variety. Finally, the influence of top-level personnel is determined by the complex interplay of constitutional, political and organisational factors.

Relations between the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister are inscribed within an unvarying institutional framework. Admittedly the respective weight of the two actors varies depending upon whether or not the presidential and parliamentary majorities are in harmony or, on the contrary, in opposition. But the passage from one situation to the other changes neither the principles governing their institutional relations nor their methods of collaboration. Nevertheless, political relations between those fulfilling these two functions can vary and, while the President of the Republic may have a certain formal advantage, it is none the less equally true to say that technically it is the Prime Minister who is the main player because, whatever the political context, it is Matignon which lies at the heart of the System.

In France administration at the highest level of State mirrors the French System of government which rests upon the duality of the executive. The administration surrounding the presidency of the Republic is made up of a stream-lined body of administrative staff whose influence depends upon that of the President of the Republic himself. In times when the presidential and parliamentary majorities are in harmony influence is great, but it becomes considerably reduced when a presidential majority exists alongside a parliamentary majority of a different orientation. On the other hand, the Prime Minister's entourage is far more developed and allows the Prime Minister to intervene more directly in governmental activity and in that of central administrative bodies.

The powers of the Prime Minister are not inscribed in the constitution and depend upon the degree of use made of the Prime Minister's sources of support. Amongst these sources the office of the Prime minister forms an unavoidable part of the decision-making process. The multiplication of its tasks has been relentless and it functions by way of a notable absence of formalism. This structure, which is of a modest size, seems to be adapted to the collegial style of government, but the need remains for a more centralised coordination of the decision-making process.

Although it has no legal base in the Fundamental Law, the office of the Chancellor gives the Chancellor the administrative, even political, support which is indispensable in conducting government. The tasks and the running of the office vary according to the personality of the Chancellor. Members of the office are principally experienced civil servants whose feel for politics is considerable. The office, which represents the essential centre for coordination, has however never managed to exercise independent political influence.

In Spain the whole of the administrative apparatus which directs and coordinates the action of the government is concentrated in one single entity which is known by the name of Moncloa. The administrative structure which lies at the summit of the executive was altered in 1982 in order to remedy the chronic instability inflicting the system under the different governments which made the transition towards democracy. The two organs which are closest to the head of government are the General Secretariat and the presidential cabinet. The role of assisting Prime Minister is equally important but it varies according to the political choices of the Prime Minister. Finally the ministry of the presidency is more specifically charged with the task of assuring intergovemmental coordination. The importance of these structures often appears as a factor in the ‘presidentialisation' of the Spanish parliamentary regime.

In Italy the Presidency of the council is a weak organisation and this weakness, together with massive governmental instability, has been transmitted to the staff of the President of the council. It was not until the period between 1961 and 1988 that the establishment of an internal organisation which belonged exclusively to the Presidency of the council of ministers got underway. Once put into place, these services developed considerably but they still conceal deficiencies and this is the reason why different reforms have been adopted in order to rationalise the organisation of the Presidency of the council of ministers and to reinforce its autonomy.

According to the Belgian Constitution, federal executive power belongs to the King. A deeper analysis reveals that the top of the executive apparatus is much more expansive than this. Executive power is divided between public authorities of which the council of ministers, which assumes responsibility for political and administrative action, is a key institution. Moreover, numerous consultative authorities and a variety of services are associated with the work of the government which enables a reduction in the gap between citizens and the exercise of power.

The institutional System in America does not involve the existence of a singular top-level State institution - such as a cabinet - before which matters are brought together. However, at the heart of the presidential structure is one institution -the Executive Office of the President - which groups together a whole series of departments whose task is to assist the President. The staff of the presidential office has grown considerably since the beginning of the 20th century in order to address the requirements of the modem American presidency at a political, administrative and tactical level. The presidential political machinery is being called upon to develop further, but this evolution depends also upon the attitude of the President. In effect the way in which the summit is administered out varies considerably from one President to another.

In Canada the majority of the government's political advisers are grouped within the office of the Prime Minister and the Privy Council. The role of these structures has evolved notably since the end of the second world war when the office of the Prime minister became situated at the summit of political power while the Privy council came to represent the head of the administration. This redefinition of roles allows the Prime Minister to conduct government policy effectively while preserving a certain autonomy for ministers and for the provinces.

The composition and functioning of the office and cabinet of the Prime Minister reflect the difficulties that the Prime Minister has in governing, due notably to the fact that power is shared with administrative vice-ministers. Any reinforcement of the authority of the Prime Minister is carried out via a substantial reform of these two bodies whose missions intersect and, more importantly, whose personnel are one and the same, being in large part composed of civil servants who remain rather too closely attached to their initial administrative origins. This System, which represents a total devolution of power, while having in former times proved worthy, no longer in this day and age allows the government and its head, the Prime Minister, to respond to the diverse internal crises which arise.

The alliance between a Marxist-Leninist System and a very old bureaucratic tradition which was neglectful of the law has given rise to a System of government which is both peculiar and unique in nature. The secrecy which governs this System makes learning about it particularly difficult. The dominant rules is that power is not attached to a particular function but rather to the person fulfilling that function. At the top of the System are 25 to 35 leaders who have an entourage of assistants - called mishus - who serve as intermediaries and who operate via small working groups. The mishus are the key to the stability and flexibility of the Chinese System, in which written texts and the concept of neutrality do not have the same importance as they do in Western Systems.