Contenu du sommaire : Arts et politiques

The Arts and the Revolution. Some Theoretical and Practical Elements of the Overall Problematic In the strict sense, there is no “Marxist aesthetics”. The writings of Marx and Engels on the question, whatever their riches, are too disparate and fragmentary to amount to a system. What does however exist is a history of the links and articulations between art, creation, and the perspectives of emancipation, and in this history the writings of Marx and Engels can legitimately claim a place. This history is neither linear nor homogenous. The purpose of the introduction is thus to address four major debates which resonated through the 20th century: about the avant-gardes, about realism, about militant art, about the utopian dimension of art. These debates, whose importance and influence is variable, mobilised artists and thinkers in the 20th century. They could either crystallise in a particular time and place or, on the contrary, they could span several decades. Unresolved, these debates still remain, today, laden with productive contradictions.

Aesthetics and Anthropology : a Reading of Georg Lukács's Late Aesthetics. It is a remarkable fact that until now Marxist aesthetics has scarcely integrated the anthropological perspective within its reflection on art. Just as its interest in the social dimension has generally led it to espouse what is basically a sociology of art, the scope of its historical comprehension has remained within the boundaries of a history of art. While Carl Einstein and Max Raphaël have indeed made vital contributions, it is Georg Lukács who, in his great Aesthetics of 1963, attempted a systematic integration of the anthropological dimension in his inquiry into the nature of art. The aim of the present article is to present and to assess the implications of this major project.

Lukács and Twentieth Century Literature Tough he elaborated a robust system of Marxist aesthetics whose categories enabled him to formulate a brilliant analysis of the 19th century realist novel, Lukács proved unable to understand the literature of the 20th century. In fact he either ignored or regarded as “decadent” almost all the major representatives of the avant-garde, such as Proust and Kafka. is was not due to the intrinsic limitations of the aesthetic categories themselves. It was rather an effect of his “optimistic” vision of the historical period following after the 1917 Revolution and the hypothesis of the development of socialism. is led him to regard as anti-realist the alleged “pessimism” of the avant-garde. Towards the end of his life, Lukács did however adopt a more critical position towards “real socialism”. He thus moved towards a more positive understanding of the literature of his time.

Critical Irrealism There is much relevance in the concept of critical realism, but it tends to become exclusive: too often realism appears as the only acceptable form of art, and the only one having a critical edge towards the existing social reality. Are there not many non-realist works of art which are valuable and contain a powerfull critique of the social order? In other words: does it not exist a category of artistic creations that could be defined as critical irrealism? is term obviously does not exist in any dictionary, but it is helpful in describing a vast area of the literary landscape which has been neglected.

An Example of Emancipation through Art: Brecht's Galileo The challenge which Brecht set himself was to make theatre a means of emancipation, by placing it in the service of the revolution. His work dealing with the exemplary figure of Galileo, which mobilised his energies between 1938 and his death in 1959, testifies to the succession of problems he came up against in his attempt to carry out this programme. For Brecht, the attempt to arrive at a scenic presentation of the complex relations between science and its social environment implied the endeavour to engage the audience in the formulation of a problem for which the theatrical performance eschewed the option of any ready-made solution. To do so could only be way of the representation of a model which was both attractive and repulsive, and by highlighting what was a fluctuating complex of contradictions. For Brecht, the status of art is thus to constitute an open-ended inquiry rather than the presentation, for propaganda purposes, of a set of cut-and dried ideas.

Political Beckett? In September 1941, one of the twentieth century's most apparently non-political artists secretly took up arms against fascism. Samuel Beckett, who with exquisite timing for a notorious pessimist was born on Good Friday (and Friday the 13th) 1906, had been living in Paris since 1937, self-exiled from his native country in the manner of many an eminent Irish writer. The Irish, unlike their erstwhile colonial proprietors, have always been a cosmopolitan nation, from the nomadic monks of the Middle Ages to the corporate executives of the Celtic Tiger. If the oppressiveness of colonial rule turned some of them into nationalists, it turned others into citizens of the world. Joyce, Synge, Beckett and Thomas MacGreevy, men already caught between two or three cultures and languages, were to flourish in the rootless, polyglot, ambience of high-modernist Europe, rather as half a century later their compatriots were to embrace the European Union. It helped, in signing up to a linguistically self-conscious modernism, to stem from a nation in which language, as a political minefield, could never be taken for granted.

To End the “End of Art” Topos While a scrupulous attention to the multiple dimensions of contemporary artistic creation remains indispensable, the predominantly optimistic vision which, a few years ago, sought to counter the strident contempt of the censors of “contemporary art” no longer constitutes the adequate response. Nor does it remain self-evident that the idea of an “iconoclastic” and “autophagic” art still encloses a kernel which is recalcitrant to any institutional or commodifying recuperation, or that it is is anything other than the symptom of a residual and stubborn idealism, devoid of any bearing on the current status, social, economic, economic and political, of contemporary art. True, there is still room for personal strategies and there are still some lingering possibilities for individual acts of micro-resistance to the dominant artistic networks. These can develop on the margins of the general commodity logic and its speculative excesses. However one has only to take a walk in the aisles of the numerous international art fairs to grasp the extent to which such forms of resistance are, indeed, marginal.

The Marx of Communism and the Marx of Structuralism. The article addresses the issue of the response within the French Communist Party to the structuralist and anti-humanist reading of Marx which Althusser formulated in the period leading up to May 1968. While structuralism was regarded by some as a marker of the avant-garde, to a number of communist intellectuals, and in particular those closest to the party leadership, it amounted to a “a philosophy of hopelessness”. e article thus examines the context in which Althusser was declared to be heterodox in the early months of 1966, in particular at the convention of philosophers held in Choisy and at the meeting of the Communist Party central committee in Argenteuil.

Louis Althusser, May 1968 and the Fluctuations of Ideology By examining the various statements made by Louis Althusser of his position on the student movement of May 69, the article seeks to reveal the remarkably complex and theoretically apposite character of his assessment. e article thus goes against usual interpretations of this issue. In particular, it points to the interest of the concepts of revolt and of mass ideological revolution, which were introduced in his writing of the period. By demonstrating that Althusser's analysis of the function and status of ideology in the revolts of May validates the theses which he advanced in For Marx about the notion of over determination, the author's intention is to assess the role played by this paradigmatic spectrum in the overall reconstruction of the problematic of ideology which Althusser was to formulate in the famous manuscript entitled On Reproduction. e principal interest of this manuscript is that, for the first time, it establishes a rigorously materialist conception of ideology and of the concrete mode of existence of ideas.

Herbert Marcuse's Idea of the “Great Refusal” Herbert Marcuse is almost invariably cited in the numerous books and articles dealing with May 1968. Without question, the philosophical and political positions which he defended resonate with the struggles and aspirations of a period both rebellious and utopian, in which anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, third-world and anti-capitalist struggles were mingled with new forms of social mobilisation, directed against whatever could hamper and compromise the possibility of living fully in the present. Marcuse notably addressed the question of alienation, affirming that, here and now, an other life is possible. While Marcuse, with the mixture of pessimism and optimism which animates him, does recognise that the path to emancipation remains a long one, he does not despair of the capacity of the “wretched of the earth” to refuse resignation and rebel against their fate.

The End of the Avant-Gardes : May 68 and the Situationists What emerges first and foremost from Debord's writings in 1968 is that the situationists' initial reaction to the May “events” was to interpret them as the first example of a spontaneous general strike in the context of what he called “overdeveloped capitalism”. Debord's position on this question is linked to his questioning of the status of the avant-gardes. At the time, Debord and those close to him sought both to conceptualise and to enact the end of the avant-gardes. And this included the Internationale Situationniste in its status as political, philosophical and artistic avant-garde. e article subsequently sets out to show that if the situationists did have any leverage on the events of May, it was insofar as they practised a maverick Marxism centred on the concept of alienation. is enabled them to conceptualise both the exploitation of the wage-earner and the condition of the consumer. Because they represent a comprehensive critique of capitalism and because, furthermore, they refuse to compromise on the revolutionary and worker dimension of the May-June 1968 moment, Debord's writings of the period enable us to grasp what, in the strict sense, remains beyond any opportunistic recuperation in these events.

State Violence, Coalitions, Subjects After a consideration of the reception of her work in France (its academic, but above all its militant reception), Judith Butler assesses the political contribution of queer movements and minority struggles. She addresses the need for the left to reappropriate the forthright critique of the State and its violence and to examine the way minorities are produced. To do so, her analysis starts from the question of immigrant persons. She highlights the issues and the difficulties which are involved, if there is to be a productive critique of the State, the aim of which is to contest it. As part of a dynamic political perspective, she proposes the creation of coalitions. She outlines the main lines of such a coalition, its dynamics and singularities, its articulation with the subject, but also its limits. In conclusion, she examines the issue of revolution and her relation to Marxist thought, indicating the outlines of her current thinking.