Contenu du sommaire : Métro - boulot - dodo : quoi de neuf dans nos routines de mobilité ?

The routine concerns the institutional structuring of time and personal automatisms that everyone put in place, both to protect themselves from threatening uncertainty as to avoid the weight of small permanent decisions, freeing vital energy and possible creativity. It is a protocol of daily life resulting in a rational sequence of space and time bounded acts done within the sphere of the home or outside where the routine realizes itself by travels. This travels are dependent of the types of urban planning, the organizational locations and the physical networks, they are nevertheless opted under stress. In a first time, it is the field in which routines fit into that interests us here: to understand everyday life, we need to quickly define it designating its fundamental concepts. Then it is the definition of internal / external, public or private, routines, that will take us, to better examine their characteristics in terms of mobility.

Speaking of routines, in social sciences easily carries connotations related to alienation. Routines, it is said, come from the fact that individuals and households, depend on heavy macro-social time constraints that impose their mechanical time on their daily schedules. Individual agency is thus supposed to be built on fluidity and on improvisation in situation.Such a point of view has already been discussed by some research works. We come back to that point, speaking of daily schedules organisation, in a context where individuals and households are mainly struggling, today, to protect their time against an unstructured, chopped, heterogeneous time.Individuals and households build routines to preserve their time. They use a series of devices, mixing social and technical resources, to manage more comfortably their daily lives.Relying on a survey by semi-structured interviews, we describe this activity of inventing, testing, strengthening, changing those routines in this paper.

The paper aims to understand how daily travel routines shape a certain suburban way of life. It is based on a corpus of « on-board » interviews carried out with commuters from Grenoble and Aix-en-Provence suburban areas. We first illustrate how individuals organize their daily trips in accordance with their activities, which are scattered across a territory, which includes central workplace and peripheral residential areas. We show that routines are embedded in a dynamic complex process integrating different stages: testing, stabilization and adaptation phases. They are the foundation of the socio-spatial mobility system of suburban inhabitants. Finally, we discuss how the process of routinization contributes to emerging effects on the formation of social groups sharing suburban mobility and living conditions.

In this paper we propose to analyse the spatial behaviours of cross-border workers who are crossing daily the border between France and Luxembourg (mobility beam: Thionville-Luxembourg). We suppose that the border influences the planning and the activity spaces of cross-border workers and contributes to form specifics routines and spatiotemporal behaviours. These particularities are highlighted by the comparison of spatial behaviours of cross-border workers to those of actives who commute on another comparable mobility beam without national border: Voiron-Grenoble. The analyses are based on quantitative mobility surveys of the CERTU. Results reveal a differential border effect on the location and duration of activities of cross-border workers: consumption, leisure, visiting. Cross-border workers have an important residential base because they spend more time close to their place of residence. On the contrary, the other workers choose the proximity of the work place to perform their daily activities.

Based on a survey conducted in the archives of the Montreal Transportation Company, this article aims to examine the daily production of the specific order of the organization of the Montreal Metro. The regulation of this specific space appears inseparable from the desire to fit out the various social activities that take place within it. The specific social order of this space thus appears in its ability to adapt itself to activities which, at first, don't fall under the functionality of the metro, that is to ensure unimpeded daily mobility.

Relationships between teleworking and routine are often implied. Teleworking might be a mean to regain one's daily time. Results of an exploratory research allow to describe for the first time mechanisms at work. We study case of the experience called "Soho solo" (department of Gers) that brings teleworkers in full-time at home. It's quite common to say teleworking gives freedom. This study shows how this claim is verified, its limitations.

With their commoditization, digital equipments can be used today as analyzers of the transformations of the daily rhythmicities and relations to space and time. By analyzing the territorialisation of video games practices, we study how they mingle in all places and times of everday life, thus contributing to routines. Original statistical data allow us to present the major determinants of the place of that “space-time of displacement” in the range of video game practices. Then, from semi-structured interviews, we explore the dynamics of composition and recomposition of the routines which involve video game activity - especially relying on its practice during displacements. Such analysis shows that digital equipments accompany the current transformations of everyday life by giving to people mastery of their time-space routine at a very precise scale; a mastery that they implement throughout the day and in the spaces they live in or they cross.

The introduction of a new device disrupting the conditions of daily mobility- notably work-related constraints – produces a set of situations that are relevant to analyze the routines dynamics and their ability to be transformed. In this paper we question their permeability and how these routines are put to the test for each individual in the context of a demonstration project about electric mobility carried by companies and local authorities in the territory of Yvelines in 2011 -2012 (SAVE experimentation). How and to what extent do the electric vehicles experimenters manage to preserve, reformulate or reconfigure their mobility routines to meet their travel needs? What are the material, cognitive and symbolic dynamics at work in these adjustments? We present here the results of a survey conducted at the intersection of sociology, anthropology and geography aiming to understand how individuals organize themselves on a daily basis despite these material constraints.

For a few years now, many new transport services (car-sharing, carpooling, bicycle sharing system…) have increased in order to broaden the scope of what is possible. Personalised Transport Services which are at once car or bicycle sharing services, are neither a part of individual ways of transportation nor regular public transportation. Is this new family of ways of transportations the signal of a change of mobility patterns, moving from monomodal system with car use, wich is characterized by routines, to another multimodal system, which will alter the routines and introduce others? More and more users have already used multiple provided services to develop new forms of everyday mobility which are sustainables.

This paper focuses on the daily routine of motorized households facing traffic congestion. Traffic congestion decreases travel speed and modifies daily travel times. An Interactive Stated Response Survey (ISRS) followed by a questionnaire was held in 2010 in the Paris region. The aim was to identify and understand behavioral responses to traffic congestion. The results showed that households sought to preserve their daily routine. They managed to maintain their activity pattern thanks to few marginal adjustments until they reached a threshold and started to alter their behavior. The threshold fluctuated around 30 minutes in addition to the initial travel time.

Because of car use negative externalities, travel behaviours are likely to change. But the force of habit generates inertia. Accompanying individually the user in a process of change, individualized marketing programs provide to break with the habits of everyday life and to broaden the scope of possibilities. They intend to encourage behaviour change towards a reduction of individual car use by encouraging experimentation of new practices. Thanks to a state of the art and an experiment conducted for the Picardie region between 2012 and 2014, we demonstrate here the usefulness of this type of mobility management tool to break habits and to motivate changes.

Household Travel Surveys (HTS), which are the major survey device of localized daily mobility, ignore the routine in a double way. On the one hand, the survey ignores the short term routine through the notion of typical working day, on the other hand, it does not grasp the stability or changes in individual behaviour since it does not follow the same individuals over time. How can this cross-sectional survey device coexist with questions that seem to focus on the evolution of individuals' behavior such as modal shift or automobile dependency? The paper shows that this coexistence leads to a discrepancy between two levels: the level of measurement and the level of interpretation.

Segregation processes in contemporary cities are usually studied through the analysis of residential locations. Our paper, however, focuses on the way a specific study on residential spaces and daily mobility patterns can offer a renewed approach of segregation. This leads us to describe proximity behaviors (immobility and local life) and contrasted access to activities and urban territories. This research concerns Niamey in Niger, where concentrated activities and hard conditions of mobility have many social consequences.

Thanks to the introduction of new questions on the parents' country of birth and nationality at birth in Insee big surveys, opportunities to estimate the foreign-origin population have greatly increased in the last decade in France. The 2011 Family Survey (Family and Housing Survey) of a big random sample provides such an opportunity for a new estimation by origin. In fact, two estimations have been carried out. : one on two generations (immigrants and immigrant children) and one on three generations (including immigrant grand-children) restricted to people under 60 for technical reasons. In 2011, 19.2 % of the total population of metropolitan France are of foreign origin on two generations. Under 60, this proportion is nearing 30 % if we include a third generation. Taking into account this generation brings historical depth. Grand children of European immigrants still largely prevail in this generation while Europeans became increasingly scarce among children of immigrant(s) and even more among immigrants. The population of African origin can be expected to grow if only because of demographic inertia not to mention future migratory flows. Comparisons with other European countries are not easy because of the discrepancy between European definitions of foreign origin. Thanks to the 2011 survey, it has been possible to bring the French definition into line with some other European definitions. So in 2011, in a Swedish definition, France is just 1.3 percentage point behind Sweden, a country that has probably the largest proportion of foreign-origin population on two generations in Europe (very little countries set aside).