Contenu du sommaire

Revue Le Moyen Age Mir@bel
Numéro tome 115, no 1, 2009
Texte intégral en ligne Accessible sur l'internet
  • Le Bestiaire d'amour et la Version longue du Bestiaire attribuée à Pierre de Beauvais : retour sur la question de leur filiation - Jean Maurice p. 9-27 accès libre avec résumé en anglais
    The Bestiaire d'amour and the Long Version of the Bestiaire (Bestiary) attributed to Pierre de Beauvais: another look at their affiliation C. Baker has established it: what was called the “Long Version” of Pierre de Beauvais' Bestiaire is in fact the work of a “remanieur” (reviser), who was writing around 1246. This date makes it possible to invert the long accepted relationship between this “Long Version” and the Bestiaire d'amour: the latter could be a source of the former. This is C. Baker's and G. Bianciotto's opinion. But there is still evidence that continues to favor the traditional chronology. Neither the “Long Version's” vocabulary, nor the concatenation of “natures” or the slightly anachronistic secular interpretation of some animals occasionally found in it, nor the lack of traces of Pierre de Beauvais' Bestiaire in Richard de Fournival's work are decisive proof of the new thesis. Furthermore, meticulous comparison of the two texts seems to imply that the Bestaire d'amour clarifies its model by working for greater concision and textual coherence, whereas the supposed compilation of the remanieur would result in a very clumsy account hardly compatible with his supposed virtuosity. And some of its possible borrowings would bring nothing to the religious allegorical construction, which is his work's “raison d'être”. Overall, inverting the affiliation poses more problems than it resolves. But the debate remains open...
  • Le passage aux langues vernaculaires dans les actes de la pratique en Occident - Thomas Brunner p. 29-72 accès libre avec résumé en anglais
    T. BRUNNER, The transition to vernacular language in “les actes de la pratique” in the West Based on studies of linguistic historians and diplomats, this article intends to draw up an initial statement of the history of the transition to the written word in vernacular languages, or “vernacularization”, in the West's medieval charters of written Latin culture. A chronological presentation of the vernacularization of the actes in twentytwo linguistic areas brings out the differences – varying according to region and society - in this transition: the British vernacularizations in the High Middle Ages have had no descendants, the Mediterranean Romanophone areas of the Central Middle Ages experienced the intermediary stage of “latin farci” (“fattened” or “stuffed” Latin), whereas further North, Latin was generally completely replaced in charters from the 13th Century. In places, more complex phenomena occurred, with the use of a vernacular language that was different from the spoken language (or “exogenous vernacularization”). This European panorama raises questions about the reasons for this increased use of vernaculars in pragmatic literacy and calls for greater research in this direction.
  • Petite introduction au manuscrit O du Roman de Renart. Ce que murmure le texte - Aurélie Barre p. 73-86 accès libre avec résumé en anglais
    A short introduction to the O manuscript of the Roman de Renart. What lies beneath the text The O manuscript brings together the oldest and most widespread stories of the Roman de Renart. It is a mixed text, borrowing its lessons in turn from other manuscripts of the Reynard tradition, which leads to the opinion that the scribe had many other collections. But it is also an original piece, enriched by lessons unknown elsewhere: the O manuscript presents quite a number of interpolations that the critics judged severely. Recollections of older tales, parodies of epic or courtly topoï (commonplaces), these inserted verses are nevertheless an example in the text of the poetic activity of the copyists, of the constant development of appropriation, rewriting and creation
  • La citoyenneté en Italie au Moyen Âge - Pierre Racine p. 87-108 accès libre avec résumé en anglais
    Citizenship in Italy in the Middle Ages The issue of citizenship regains all its intensity with the formation of the Italian Communes at the end of the 11th Century and the beginning of the 12th Century. This does not mean that the term civis was unknown in Italian towns in the South of the Peninsula, but they were never able to liberate themselves from the hold of the Norman, Suevian or Angevin – and later Aragonian – royal power. In those towns that claimed the status of City States after the Peace of Constance, the citizen was someone who had lived in the town for some time (5 to 10 years) as an owner or tenant, paid tax there and performed military service, on horseback or on foot, depending on his wealth. Recognized as a citizen after swearing an oath, he could participate in the popular assembly, which was responsible for the election of magistrates and for major political decisions. As of the 14th Century, with the creation of principalities, proceedings changed and lawyers were then careful to define the social status of those who resided within the walls as the subjects of the Prince.
  • Escoufle, hüa, milan, nieble : analyse lexicologique - Lydie Louison p. 109-131 accès libre avec résumé en anglais
    Escoufle, hüa, milan, nieble: a lexicological analysis The “escoufle” (kite), which gave its name to Jean Renart's first romance, is a despised vulture, whose names have evolved over the centuries. From milvus to escoufle, hua(t), huan(t), huar(t) or ni(e)ble in the Middle Ages, the bird has returned through French to its Latin origins and is now more commonly called milan (kite), while still maintaining its pejorative symbolism.
  • Bibliographie

  • Nécrologie