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A nineteenth edition of the epigram Uirgo parens In our book devoted to the annotated edition of eighteen drafts of the epigram Uirgo parens, we did not concern ourselves, due to difficulties in consulting it, with the latest known version of this text, attributed, like fourteen others, to Gregory the Great. At J. Dalarun's request, we now present the first edition of all twenty verses of the text, with comments on their written form and clarifications on several somewhat obscure doctrinal points. Preceding this is a detailed study of the Cambridge manuscript containing this epigram, which is catalogued as belonging to the works of Hildebert de Lavardin, a major medieval Mariologist. This raised the question of why these verses attributed to Gregory the Great were inserted among those written by Bishop Lavardin. We believe that we have given a satisfactory, if prudent, answer to this question. From now on, it would be advisable to classify this nineteenth edition, known as De sancta Maria Gregorius, as belonging to the first part of the book published by Droz: Textes en rapport avec le pape Grégoire: Rédactions de dix distiques.

The writing context of the Annales of Flodoard of Reims (919-966), Part 1: A critical re-reading of the opening of the Annales in light of recent work In his Annales, Flodoard records year by year the events of his lifetime from 919 to 966. Yet a careful analysis of the opening – yearly – paragraphs reveals that the author, who both witnessed and participated in a significant number of the events he recorded, in all likelihood only began writing in 922 and 923. Indeed, the fact that he may have begun writing at this time is probably not accidental: when he witnessed the deposition and imprisonment of King Charles the Simple as well as the royal coronations of Counts Robert and Raoul, Flodoard clearly realized that he was living through extraordinary and historic events. These exceptional circumstances may have awakened his curiosity and driven him to undertake the writing of his opus. Thus it is possible to examine the context of Flodoard's writing and the state of mind of the Rheims cleric at the moment when he first takes up his quill.

a courtly fairy? The courtly fairy world in the Livre des visions d'Oger le Dannoys au royaulme de Fairie by François Habert Even though fairies do not naturally mix with humans, at the end of the Middle Ages, the world of fairies and that of the court (and of courtoisie) seem to come together in reciprocal assimilation. From a study of the rewriting of the legend of Ogier the Dane by François Habert in 1542, this article shows that the phenomenon results from two kinds of writing. On the one hand, there is a process of ritualization, which is produced by a spectacular tale integrating the fairy world into a collective ceremonial orchestrated in the real world just as in the fictional one On the other, a degree of rationalization integrates the figures of the fairy world either by turning them into exemplars (as models of courtly relations) or by attributing allegorical value to them (as figures of Fortune). This mix of realistic and magical features then becomes characteristic of a synthesis that materializes, through the image of Morgana, into a fantasy of courtly fairydom.

The role of a river as a boundary or border in the Middle Ages: The Meuse, from Explaining the role of the Middle Meuse, from Sedan to Maastricht, with reference to the spatial definition used by the authorities of the Roman period in the 16th century, proved difficult until the 12th century. It is therefore necessary to give a geographical definition of the concepts of boundary and border and to make a few methodological comments regarding this issue. When borders become fixed, it can be observed that the river ceases to be a theoretical spatial reference point but instead becomes a very real one. When the Meuse becomes a border, it operates as such for navigation at least within its navigable course. But it seems impossible to assign to the river a systematic function as regards demarcation lines between different local powers. It is also important to stress the constant interest these powers have shown in the river.

The courtly lady and literature in Les miracles de nostre dame by Gautier The prominent position given to women and love is characteristic of courtly ideology. Les miracles de Nostre Dame in French is an attempt to compete with this literature. Gautier de Coinci denounces the devastation wreaked by fin'amor, which he condemns as immoral. This in no way prevents him from repeating all the motifs of the courtly depictions of love. He advances the immaculate model of the Empress, a married courtly lady, beautiful and faithful even to the point of martyrdom. The noblest union is that with God in the consecrated life. A holy friendship between a man and a woman is also possible, even beneficial. The courtly lady par excellence is the Virgin Mary, who is the true feminine ideal. It is entirely appropriate to refer to this perspective as “an attempt to convert” or “the evangelization of profane culture.” This perspective is also perceptible in lyric poetry which, through a process of “forgery, ” echoes the forms of profane lyric poetry in order to redirect it. The poet also mines the hymnological tradition, establishing a fruitful link between the profane and the sacred, which are interwoven.

Feast and Revival of Social Life in Orleans after 1429 In historiography, Orleans first appears as the town of the siege, as Joan of Arc's town. It then becomes the symbol of resistance and of triumph in face of the enemy from Across the Channel. This image is true but also reductionist. The episode, however grandiose, in fact only lasted a very short time. At its peak in the 14th and 15th centuries, the capital of the Loire played a decisive political and military role as Paris' true protective lock. The misfortunes the population underwent were equally opportunities for it to exploit advantageously and to inscribe long term remembrance of the city. The shock wave of the war transformed its relationship with time. From then on, the period of the feast (in the form of a commemorative procession, first held in 1430), however customary it had become, was charged with a new meaning, that of a profound civic union, which could finally express itself every year with new-found freedom, renewed pride and restored prosperity, the fruits of a fidelity to the King never belied during its period of misfortune. The festivities perpetuated the memory of these memorable events of 1429. But to what extent did they become integrated with ancient customs and traditions? That is the purpose of this study.