La domination masculine. Pour tenter d'analyser la domination masculine, forme par excellence de la violence symbolique, on s'est appuyé sur les recherches ethnologiques menées chez les Kabyles, berbérophones d'Afrique du nord. Véritable conservatoire culturel, cette société montagnarde a maintenu tout à fait vivant, notamment dans ses pratiques rituelles, dans sa poésie et ses traditions orales, un système de principes de vision et de division qui est commun à tout le monde méditerranéen et qui survit, encore aujourd'hui, dans nos structures mentales et, partiellement, dans nos structures sociales. On peut donc traiter le cas de la Kabylie comme une "image grossie" où se lisent plus aisément les structures fondamentales de la vision du monde masculine. De cette lecture, il ressort d'abord que, du fait de l'accord immédiat entre d'un côté les structures sociales telles qu'elles s'expriment par exemple dans l'organisation de l'espace et du temps ou dans la division sexuelle du travail, et de l'autre les structures mentales, ou, plus précisément, les principes de vision et de division inscrits dans les corps et dans les cerveaux, l'ordre masculin s'impose sur le mode de l'évidence, comme parfaitement naturel. En effet, les dominés -dans le cas particulier, les femmes- appliquent à toute chose du monde et, en particulier, à la relation de domination dans laquelle ils sont pris et aux personnes à travers lesquelles cette relation s'accomplit, donc aussi à leur propre personne, des schèmes de pensée impensés qui, étant le produit de l'incorporation de la relation de pouvoir sous la forme de couples d'opposition (haut/bas, grand/petit, etc.), construisent cette relation du point de vue même des dominants, la faisant apparaître comme naturelle. La violence symbolique s'accomplit au travers d'un acte de mé-connais-sance et de reconnaissance qui se situe hors des contrôles de la conscience et de la volonté, dans l'obscurité des schèmes pratiques de l'habitus. Le travail de socialisation tend à opérer une somatisa-tion des rapports de domination. D'abord par une construction sociale de la vision du sexe biologique, qui sert elle-même de fondement à toute la vision mythique du monde. Ensuite par l'inculcation d'une hexis corporelle dont on peut dire qu'elle est une politique incorporée. A travers ce double travail d'inculcation sexuellement différencié et différenciant, s'imposent aux hommes et aux femmes des dispositions différentes à l'égard des jeux sociaux tenus pour les plus importants, comme, dans la société kabyle, les jeux de l'honneur et de la guerre, propices à l'exhibition de la virilité, ou, dans des sociétés différenciées, tous les jeux les plus hautement valorisés, politique, art, science, etc. C'est cette relation d'exclusion originaire que l'on peut analyser en s'appuyant sur le roman de Virginia Woolf, La promenade au phare : ignorant Yïllusio qui porte à s'engager dans les grands jeux sociaux, les femmes sont affranchies de la libido dominandi et portées, de ce fait, à jeter un regard relativement lucide sur les jeux masculins auxquels elles ne participent, normalement, que par procuration. Il reste à expliquer le statut inférieur qui est à peu près universellement imparti à la femme. Pour cela, il faut prendre en compte la dissymétrie des statuts qui sont assignés aux deux sexes dans l'économie des échanges symboliques : tandis que les hommes sont les sujets des stratégies matrimoniales à travers lesquelles ils travaillent à maintenir ou à augmenter leur capital symbolique, les femmes sont toujours traitées en objets de ces échanges dans lesquels elles circulent en tant que symboles, capables de sceller des alliances. Etant ainsi investies d'une fonction symbolique, elles sont contraintes de travailler en permanence à conserver en état leur valeur symbolique en se conformant à l'idéal masculin de la vertu féminine comme pudeur et chasteté et en se dotant de tous les attributs corporels et cosmétiques propres à accroître leur rayonnement et leur charme corporels. Le statut d'objets qui est fait aux femmes ne se voit jamais aussi bien que dans la place que le système mythi-co-rituel kabyle accorde à leur contribution à la procréation : paradoxalement, le travail proprement féminin de gestation est nié au profit de l'intervention masculine dans l'acte sexuel. De même, dans nos sociétés, la part privilégiée que les femmes prennent à la production proprement symbolique, tant au sein de l'unité domestique qu'au dehors, reste toujours dissimulée et, en tout cas, minorée. Il s'ensuit que la libération des femmes ne peut être attendue que d'une révolution symbolique mettant en cause les fondements mêmes de la production et de la reproduction du capital symbolique et, en particulier, de la dialectique de la prétention et de la distinction qui est le principe de la production et de la consommation de biens culturels traités comme signes de distinction.
Male Domination. This attempt to analyse male domination, the form par excellence of symbolic violence, is based on ethnological research among the Kabyles, a Berber-speaking people of North Africa. Especially in its ritual practices, its poetry and its oral traditions, this society of mountain-dwellers has kept alive a System of principles of vision and division which is common to the whole Mediterranean world and which survives, even today, in our own mental structures and partially in our social structures. Thus the case of Kabylia can be treated as an "enlarged image" in which the fundamental structures of the male world view can be read more easily. From this reading, it emerges first that, because of the immediate concordance between social structures, as expressed, for example, in the organization of space and time or in the sexual division of labour, and mental structures, or, more precisely, the principles of vision and division inscribed in bodies and minds, the male order imposes itself in the mode of self-evidence, as being perfectly natural. Dominated social categories -in this case, women- perceive every aspect of the world, and in particular the relationship of domination in which they are caught and the persons through whom this relationship is realized, and therefore also their own persons, through unthought schemes of thought, which, being the product of the internalization of the power relationship in the forms of pairs of opposites (high/low, big/small, etc.), construct that relationship from the point of view of the dominant category and present it as natural. Symbolic violence is performed through an act of misrecognition and recognition which lies outside the controls of consciousness and will, in the obscurity of the practical schemes of the habitus. The work of socialization tends to achieve a somatization of relations of domination -firstly through a social construction of the vision of biological gender, which itself serves a basis for the whole mythic world view ; and then through the inculcation of a bodily hexis which is a kind of internalized politics. Through this twofold labour of sexually differentiated and differentiating inculcation, men and women acquire different dispositions towards the social games that are treated as the most important. In Kabyle society these are the games of honour and war, favouring the exhibition of manly virtues ; in class-differentiated societies, the most highly valorized games are those of politics, art, science, etc. This relationship of initial exclusion can be analysed with the aid of Virginia Woolf s novel To the Lighthouse : untouched by the illusio which drawes men into the great social games, women are free from libido dominandi and so are able to cast a relatively lucid gaze on the men's games in which they normally take part only by proxy. One then has to explain the inferior status that is almost universally accorded to women. This requires one to take into account the dissymmetry of the statuses assigned to the two sexes in the economy of symbolic exchanges. Whereas men are the subjects of the marriage strategies through which they strive to maintain or enhance their symbolic capital, women are always treated as the objects of these exchanges, in which they circulate as symbols that can set the seal on alliances. Being invested in this way with a symbolic function, they are forced to work constantly to preserve their symbolic value by conforming to the maie ideal of female virtue as modesty and chastity and by endowing themselves with all the bodily and cosmetic attributes that tend to enhance their physical charm and attraction. The object status imposed on women is most clearly seen in the place that the mythico-ritual System assigns to their contribution to procration : the specific female work of gestation is paradoxically denied in favour of the male intervention in the sexual act. Likewise, in modem societies, the privile-ged role that women play in specifically symbolic production, both inside and outside the domestic unit, always remains masked and, in any case, diminished. It follows that the liberation of women can only corne from a symbolic revolution that would call into question the very foundations of the production and reproduction of symbolic capital and, in particular, of the dialectic of pretension and distinction which is the principle of the production and consumption of cultural goods treated as signs of distinction. ties the most highly valorized games are those of politics art science etc This relationship of initi al exclusion can be analysed with the aid of Virginia Woolf novel To the Lighthouse untouched by the illusio which drawes men into the great social ga mes women are free from libido dominandi and so are able to cast relatively lucid gaze on the games in which they normally take part only by proxy One then has to explain the inferior status that is almost universally accorded to women This requires one to take into account the dissymmetry of the statuses assigned to the two sexes in the eco nomy of symbolic exchanges Whereas men are the subjects of the marriage strategies through which they strive to maintain or enhance their symbolic capital women are always treated as the objects of these exchanges in which they circulate as symbols that can set the seal on alliances Being invested in this way with symbolic function they are forced to work constantly to preserve their symbolic value by conforming to the male ideal of female virtue as mo desty and chastity and by endowing themselves with all the bodily and cosmetic attributes that tend to enhance their physical charm and attraction The object status imposed on women is most clearly seen in the place that the mythico-ritual system as signs to their contribution to procration the spe cific female work of gestation is paradoxically denied in favour of the male intervention in the se xual act Likewise in modern societies the privile ged role that women play in specifically symbolic production both inside and outside the domestic unit always remains masked and in any case dimi nished It follows that the liberation of women can only come from symbolic revolution that would call into question the very foundations of the pro duction and reproduction of symbolic capital and in particular of the dialectic of pretension and dist inction which is the principle of the production and consumption of cultural goods treated as signs of distinction
La domination masculine. Pour tenter d'analyser la domination masculine, forme par excellence de la violence symbolique, on s'est appuyé sur les recherches ethnologiques menées chez les Kabyles, berbérophones d'Afrique du nord. Véritable conservatoire culturel, cette société montagnarde a maintenu tout à fait vivant, notamment dans ses pratiques rituelles, dans sa poésie et ses traditions orales, un système de principes de vision et de division qui est commun à tout le monde méditerranéen et qui survit, encore aujourd'hui, dans nos structures mentales et, partiellement, dans nos structures sociales. On peut donc traiter le cas de la Kabylie comme une "image grossie" où se lisent plus aisément les structures fondamentales de la vision du monde masculine. De cette lecture, il ressort d'abord que, du fait de l'accord immédiat entre d'un côté les structures sociales telles qu'elles s'expriment par exemple dans l'organisation de l'espace et du temps ou dans la division sexuelle du travail, et de l'autre les structures mentales, ou, plus précisément, les principes de vision et de division inscrits dans les corps et dans les cerveaux, l'ordre masculin s'impose sur le mode de l'évidence, comme parfaitement naturel. En effet, les dominés -dans le cas particulier, les femmes- appliquent à toute chose du monde et, en particulier, à la relation de domination dans laquelle ils sont pris et aux personnes à travers lesquelles cette relation s'accomplit, donc aussi à leur propre personne, des schèmes de pensée impensés qui, étant le produit de l'incorporation de la relation de pouvoir sous la forme de couples d'opposition (haut/bas, grand/petit, etc.), construisent cette relation du point de vue même des dominants, la faisant apparaître comme naturelle. La violence symbolique s'accomplit au travers d'un acte de mé-connais-sance et de reconnaissance qui se situe hors des contrôles de la conscience et de la volonté, dans l'obscurité des schèmes pratiques de l'habitus. Le travail de socialisation tend à opérer une somatisa-tion des rapports de domination. D'abord par une construction sociale de la vision du sexe biologique, qui sert elle-même de fondement à toute la vision mythique du monde. Ensuite par l'inculcation d'une hexis corporelle dont on peut dire qu'elle est une politique incorporée. A travers ce double travail d'inculcation sexuellement différencié et différenciant, s'imposent aux hommes et aux femmes des dispositions différentes à l'égard des jeux sociaux tenus pour les plus importants, comme, dans la société kabyle, les jeux de l'honneur et de la guerre, propices à l'exhibition de la virilité, ou, dans des sociétés différenciées, tous les jeux les plus hautement valorisés, politique, art, science, etc. C'est cette relation d'exclusion originaire que l'on peut analyser en s'appuyant sur le roman de Virginia Woolf, La promenade au phare : ignorant Yïllusio qui porte à s'engager dans les grands jeux sociaux, les femmes sont affranchies de la libido dominandi et portées, de ce fait, à jeter un regard relativement lucide sur les jeux masculins auxquels elles ne participent, normalement, que par procuration. Il reste à expliquer le statut inférieur qui est à peu près universellement imparti à la femme. Pour cela, il faut prendre en compte la dissymétrie des statuts qui sont assignés aux deux sexes dans l'économie des échanges symboliques : tandis que les hommes sont les sujets des stratégies matrimoniales à travers lesquelles ils travaillent à maintenir ou à augmenter leur capital symbolique, les femmes sont toujours traitées en objets de ces échanges dans lesquels elles circulent en tant que symboles, capables de sceller des alliances. Etant ainsi investies d'une fonction symbolique, elles sont contraintes de travailler en permanence à conserver en état leur valeur symbolique en se conformant à l'idéal masculin de la vertu féminine comme pudeur et chasteté et en se dotant de tous les attributs corporels et cosmétiques propres à accroître leur rayonnement et leur charme corporels. Le statut d'objets qui est fait aux femmes ne se voit jamais aussi bien que dans la place que le système mythi-co-rituel kabyle accorde à leur contribution à la procréation : paradoxalement, le travail proprement féminin de gestation est nié au profit de l'intervention masculine dans l'acte sexuel. De même, dans nos sociétés, la part privilégiée que les femmes prennent à la production proprement symbolique, tant au sein de l'unité domestique qu'au dehors, reste toujours dissimulée et, en tout cas, minorée. Il s'ensuit que la libération des femmes ne peut être attendue que d'une révolution symbolique mettant en cause les fondements mêmes de la production et de la reproduction du capital symbolique et, en particulier, de la dialectique de la prétention et de la distinction qui est le principe de la production et de la consommation de biens culturels traités comme signes de distinction.Male Domination. This attempt to analyse male domination, the form par excellence of symbolic violence, is based on ethnological research among the Kabyles, a Berber-speaking people of North Africa. Especially in its ritual practices, its poetry and its oral traditions, this society of mountain-dwellers has kept alive a System of principles of vision and division which is common to the whole Mediterranean world and which survives, even today, in our own mental structures and partially in our social structures. Thus the case of Kabylia can be treated as an "enlarged image" in which the fundamental structures of the male world view can be read more easily. From this reading, it emerges first that, because of the immediate concordance between social structures, as expressed, for example, in the organization of space and time or in the sexual division of labour, and mental structures, or, more precisely, the principles of vision and division inscribed in bodies and minds, the male order imposes itself in the mode of self-evidence, as being perfectly natural. Dominated social categories -in this case, women- perceive every aspect of the world, and in particular the relationship of domination in which they are caught and the persons through whom this relationship is realized, and therefore also their own persons, through unthought schemes of thought, which, being the product of the internalization of the power relationship in the forms of pairs of opposites (high/low, big/small, etc.), construct that relationship from the point of view of the dominant category and present it as natural. Symbolic violence is performed through an act of misrecognition and recognition which lies outside the controls of consciousness and will, in the obscurity of the practical schemes of the habitus. The work of socialization tends to achieve a somatization of relations of domination -firstly through a social construction of the vision of biological gender, which itself serves a basis for the whole mythic world view ; and then through the inculcation of a bodily hexis which is a kind of internalized politics. Through this twofold labour of sexually differentiated and differentiating inculcation, men and women acquire different dispositions towards the social games that are treated as the most important. In Kabyle society these are the games of honour and war, favouring the exhibition of manly virtues ; in class-differentiated societies, the most highly valorized games are those of politics, art, science, etc. This relationship of initial exclusion can be analysed with the aid of Virginia Woolf s novel To the Lighthouse : untouched by the illusio which drawes men into the great social games, women are free from libido dominandi and so are able to cast a relatively lucid gaze on the men's games in which they normally take part only by proxy. One then has to explain the inferior status that is almost universally accorded to women. This requires one to take into account the dissymmetry of the statuses assigned to the two sexes in the economy of symbolic exchanges. Whereas men are the subjects of the marriage strategies through which they strive to maintain or enhance their symbolic capital, women are always treated as the objects of these exchanges, in which they circulate as symbols that can set the seal on alliances. Being invested in this way with a symbolic function, they are forced to work constantly to preserve their symbolic value by conforming to the maie ideal of female virtue as modesty and chastity and by endowing themselves with all the bodily and cosmetic attributes that tend to enhance their physical charm and attraction. The object status imposed on women is most clearly seen in the place that the mythico-ritual System assigns to their contribution to procration : the specific female work of gestation is paradoxically denied in favour of the male intervention in the sexual act. Likewise, in modem societies, the privile-ged role that women play in specifically symbolic production, both inside and outside the domestic unit, always remains masked and, in any case, diminished. It follows that the liberation of women can only corne from a symbolic revolution that would call into question the very foundations of the production and reproduction of symbolic capital and, in particular, of the dialectic of pretension and distinction which is the principle of the production and consumption of cultural goods treated as signs of distinction. ties the most highly valorized games are those of politics art science etc This relationship of initi al exclusion can be analysed with the aid of Virginia Woolf novel To the Lighthouse untouched by the illusio which drawes men into the great social ga mes women are free from libido dominandi and so are able to cast relatively lucid gaze on the games in which they normally take part only by proxy One then has to explain the inferior status that is almost universally accorded to women This requires one to take into account the dissymmetry of the statuses assigned to the two sexes in the eco nomy of symbolic exchanges Whereas men are the subjects of the marriage strategies through which they strive to maintain or enhance their symbolic capital women are always treated as the objects of these exchanges in which they circulate as symbols that can set the seal on alliances Being invested in this way with symbolic function they are forced to work constantly to preserve their symbolic value by conforming to the male ideal of female virtue as mo desty and chastity and by endowing themselves with all the bodily and cosmetic attributes that tend to enhance their physical charm and attraction The object status imposed on women is most clearly seen in the place that the mythico-ritual system as signs to their contribution to procration the spe cific female work of gestation is paradoxically denied in favour of the male intervention in the se xual act Likewise in modern societies the privile ged role that women play in specifically symbolic production both inside and outside the domestic unit always remains masked and in any case dimi nished It follows that the liberation of women can only come from symbolic revolution that would call into question the very foundations of the pro duction and reproduction of symbolic capital and in particular of the dialectic of pretension and dist inction which is the principle of the production and consumption of cultural goods treated as signs of distinction
