Contenu du sommaire : Montagnes et conflictualité : le conflit, facteur d'adaptations et d'innovations territoriales
Revue | Revue de Géographie Alpine |
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Numéro | vol. 104, no 1, 2016 |
Titre du numéro | Montagnes et conflictualité : le conflit, facteur d'adaptations et d'innovations territoriales |
Texte intégral en ligne | Accessible sur l'internet |
- Montagnes et conflictualité : le conflit, facteur d'adaptations et d'innovations territoriales - Stéphane Gal
- Mountains and Conflict: Conflict as a Factor in Territorial Adaptation and Innovation - Stéphane Gal
- La Frichelette de Thônes. Guerre, mémoire et identité territoriale dans les Aravis de 1793 à l'âge d'internet - Franck Roubeau Du début du XIXe siècle aux années 1960, Thônes, dans le massif des Aravis, s'est singularisée par une identité catholique forte et un conservatisme politique affirmé, fruits d'un événement traumatique s'étant déroulé pendant la Révolution : la révolte des habitants de la vallée contre les nouvelles autorités républicaines françaises en mai 1793. Cela devint vite et pour longtemps la « Vendée de la Savoie ». La mémoire de cette tragédie locale a couru pendant des années, associée à son héroïne fusillée, la Frichelette. Son destin post mortem dévoile une mémoire dynamique, populaire comme savante, mais qui a entretenu une grande méfiance pour les nouveautés et changements pouvant venir de l'extérieur.From the early-19th century to the 1960s Thônes, in the Aravis massif, was known as a strongly Conservative, Roman Catholic area, following tragic events during the French Revolution. In May 1793 local people revolted against the recently instated Republican authorities. It soon became the ‘Savoy Vendée', staying that way for many years, its memory perpetuated alongside that of its heroine, La Frichelette, executed by firing squad. Her fate, since her death, reveals a commemorative dynamic, with popular and scholarly roots, which has sustained deep-rooted mistrust of novelty and outside changes. fr
- La Frichelette of Thônes. War, Memory and Territorial Identity in Aravis from 1793 to the Age of Internet - Franck Roubeau From the early-19th century to the 1960s Thônes, in the Aravis massif, was known as a strongly Conservative, Roman Catholic area, following tragic events during the French Revolution. In May 1793 local people revolted against the recently instated Republican authorities. It soon became the ‘Savoy Vendée', staying that way for many years, its memory perpetuated alongside that of its heroine, La Frichelette, executed by firing squad. Her fate, since her death, reveals a commemorative dynamic, with popular and scholarly roots, which has sustained deep-rooted mistrust of novelty and outside changes.
- Conflits et identité en Valgrisenche - Alessandro Celi Bien que la Valgrisenche, vallée latérale du Val d'Aoste, soit considérée comme une vallée pauvre et isolée, faite de pierres et de rocs, ses habitants sont communément réputés comme bénéficiant d'une confortable richesse. Cette contradiction est due aux aménités du lieu. En particulier, la présence d'un passage facile vers la Tarentaise, le col du Mont, lequel a favorisé le développement du commerce qui, pendant le Moyen Âge, a enrichi la vallée. Par contre, les nombreux conflits survenus depuis le XVIe siècle ont causé la fermeture progressive de la Valgrisenche, devenue un passage convoité par les troupes venant de France et désirant éviter la gorge de la Pierre Taillée, renfermant la partie supérieure du Val d'Aoste. L'article met en évidence les périodes de fermeture, étroitement liées à l'évolution des systèmes de défense, matériels et humains, au cours de l'histoire de la vallée. Il démontre en particulier comment les décisions du Ministère de la Guerre, empêchant pendant plus de cinquante ans la construction d'une route carrossable, freinèrent considérablement le développement touristique de la Valgrisenche tout en renforçant l'hostilité des populations locales face à l'État.Although Valgrisenche, a side valley of the Aosta Valley, is considered to be a poor and isolated valley consisting of stones and rocks, its inhabitants are widely known to have considerable wealth. This contradiction is due to the historical trials and tribulations of the area. In particular, the presence of the Col du Mont, which provided easy passage to Tarentaise, encouraged the development of trade that, during the Middle Ages, granted the valley a measure of wealth. By contrast, numerous conflicts since the 16th century caused the progressive closure of Valgrisenche. The valley became an important military target because of its location, which allowed invaders from France to avoid the bottleneck of the Pierre Taillée that encloses the upper part of the Aosta Valley. This article highlights the times of closure and describes the fortifications that marked the different historical periods. In particular, it demonstrates how the decisions of the War Department, which for 50 years prevented the construction of a motor road, led to a delay in the tourist development of Valgrisenche.
- Conflict and Identity in Valgrisenche - Alessandro Celi Although Valgrisenche, a side valley of the Aosta Valley, is considered to be a poor and isolated valley consisting of stones and rocks, its inhabitants are widely known to have considerable wealth. This contradiction is due to the historical trials and tribulations of the area. In particular, the presence of the Col du Mont, which provided easy passage to Tarentaise, encouraged the development of trade that, during the Middle Ages, granted the valley a measure of wealth. By contrast, numerous conflicts since the 16th century caused the progressive closure of Valgrisenche. The valley became an important military target because of its location, which allowed invaders from France to avoid the bottleneck of the Pierre Taillée that encloses the upper part of the Aosta Valley. This article highlights the times of closure and describes the fortifications that marked the different historical periods. In particular, it demonstrates how the decisions of the War Department, which for 50 years prevented the construction of a motor road, led to a delay in the tourist development of Valgrisenche.
- Des conflits du passé, des conflits dépassés ? Les oppositions au collectivisme dans les Tatras - Michel Lompech Les conflits nés de l'imposition du collectivisme agraire offrent une clef de lecture des transformations et des blocages qu'ont connus les sociétés montagnardes au cours de la seconde moitié du xxe siècle. La diversité du peuplement villageois dans les Tatras slovaques explique la multiplication de telles situations de conflits durant les quatre décennies du socialisme. L'article compare les conflits qui sont apparus dans trois villages d'une même région de montagne et les confronte à un quatrième qui a réussi sa modernisation. Il met en évidence les composantes et les effets géographiques du changement social.The conflicts arising from imposed agrarian collectivism provide a key to interpreting the transformations and blockages that societies in mountain areas experienced during the second half of the 20th century. The diversity of village populations in the Slovak Tatras explains the increase in the number of such conflictual situations over the four decades of socialism. This article compares the conflicts that arose in three villages in the same mountain region with that of a fourth that was successful in its modernisation. It highlights the components and geographical effects of social change.
- Are Past Conflicts Now Over? Oppositions to Collectivism in the Tatras - Michel Lompech The conflicts arising from imposed agrarian collectivism provide a key to interpreting the transformations and blockages that societies in mountain areas experienced during the second half of the 20th century. The diversity of village populations in the Slovak Tatras explains the increase in the number of such conflictual situations over the four decades of socialism. This article compares the conflicts that arose in three villages in the same mountain region with that of a fourth that was successful in its modernisation. It highlights the components and geographical effects of social change.
- Conflit foncier, reconfiguration territoriale et valeurs de la terre dans les montagnes de Cahabón (Guatemala) - Agnès Bergeret Les montagnes tropicales de Cahabón (municipe du nord-est du Guatemala) ont connu en un demi-siècle une transformation radicale de leur configuration foncière et agricole. Les récits des acteurs locaux conduisent à étudier un conflit pour la terre très violent, dont les racines sont à chercher dans le dispositif du colonage construit à partir de la fin du XIXe siècle. Ils apportent des éléments complémentaires à la compréhension de la guerre interne guatémaltèque (1960-1996), souvent lue au travers du prisme de la guerre froide, c'est-à-dire des stratégies contre-révolutionnaires menées par un régime militaire contre des guérillas communistes. Cet article croise différentes focales d'observation d'un processus conflictuel qui a mené un territoire dominé par une seule grande propriété caféière à une nouvelle configuration, très morcelée, de villages de petits propriétaires paysans. À chacune des séquences de ce processus, la confrontation entre les deux groupes sociaux locaux (les métis Ladinos et les autochtones Mayas-Q'eqchi') transforme les organisations sociales et les territorialités. Les façons dont la montagne est mobilisée dans les identités construites par chacun des deux groupes et participe des cadres de référence et d'action collective, sont une clé déterminante de compréhension des stratégies choisies par les acteurs du conflit.In the course of half a century, the tropical mountains of Cahabón (a municipality in north-eastern Guatemala) have undergone a radical transformation of their land and agricultural configuration. Accounts from local actors have led us to examine a conflict that has proved to be very violent for the land and whose origins date back to the “colonato” system established at the end of the 19th century. These accounts provide additional elements that help to understand the Guatemalan Civil War (1960-1996), often interpreted through the prism of the Cold War, i.e. counter-revolutionary strategies led by a military regime against communist guerrillas. This article cross-analyses different observation points on a conflict process that has transformed a territory once dominated by a single large coffee estate into a new, highly fragmented configuration of villages populated by small-scale farmers. At each sequence in this process, social and territorial organisation patterns have been transformed by the confrontation between the region's two local social groups: the mixed-race Ladinos and the native Mayan-Q'eqchi'. The ways in which the mountains have forged the identities of each group and shaped the frameworks of reference and collective actions are key to understanding the strategies adopted by the players in the conflict.
- Land Conflict, Territorial Reconfiguration and the Values Tied to Land in the Cahabón Mountains (Guatemala) - Agnès Bergeret In the course of half a century, the tropical mountains of Cahabón (a municipality in north-eastern Guatemala) have undergone a radical transformation of their land and agricultural configuration. Accounts from local actors have led us to examine a conflict that has proved to be very violent for the land and whose origins date back to the “colonato” system established at the end of the 19th century. These accounts provide additional elements that help to understand the Guatemalan Civil War (1960-1996), often interpreted through the prism of the Cold War, i.e. counter-revolutionary strategies led by a military regime against communist guerrillas. This article cross-analyses different observation points on a conflict process that has transformed a territory once dominated by a single large coffee estate into a new, highly fragmented configuration of villages populated by small-scale farmers. At each sequence in this process, social and territorial organisation patterns have been transformed by the confrontation between the region's two local social groups: the mixed-race Ladinos and the native Mayan-Q'eqchi'. The ways in which the mountains have forged the identities of each group and shaped the frameworks of reference and collective actions are key to understanding the strategies adopted by the players in the conflict.
- L'affirmation d'une opposition française au « Lyon-Turin » : un conflit entre liminarité et intermédiarité - Kevin Sutton Les enquêtes d'utilité publique autour du projet ferroviaire Lyon-Turin ont été des moments d'apparition et de développement d'une contestation composite au projet en France, notamment en 2012. Divers collectifs associatifs sont apparus à cette occasion et une personnalité a émergé, Daniel Ibanez, donnant un visage et une cohérence à une contestation devenant opposition. La posture argumentative des années 2012-2013 fait progressivement place à une posture dénonciatrice à partir de 2014, basculement qui constitue une forme de liminarité dans la modalité d'expression du conflit. Les fondements de cette contestation en France demeurent distincts de ceux dans le Val de Suse, territoire d'opposition historique au projet. Le principe d'utilité est premier en France lorsque, historiquement, le principe de responsabilité est le ferment en Italie. Cet article entend interroger les trajectoires actorielles de l'opposition française à ce projet à travers une analyse des discours et des ancrages politiques des protagonistes. L'axe comparatif proposé vise à interroger les spatialités des mouvements contestataires en France et dans le Val de Suse. Cet article entend ainsi contribuer à une réflexion sur la distinction entre « local » et « proximité » au travers d'une étude de la relation des mouvements contestataires à l'entité « montagne » dans le processus de construction sociale d'un argumentaire.Public interest enquiries conducted in relation to the proposed Lyon-Turin rail link have revealed the development of a composite protest to the project in France, particularly in 2012. Different associations have emerged, along with a personality, Daniel Ibanez, which have provided this protest movement with both a face and greater coherence in its opposition to the project. A somewhat argumentative stance in 2012-2013 has progressively given way to one that has more clearly denounced the project since 2014, a change indicating a form of liminality in the expression of conflict. The foundations of this opposition in France remain distinct from those in the Susa Valley, the historic area of opposition to the project in Italy. The principle of usefulness is foremost in France while, historically, the principle of responsibility has been the driving force in Italy. This article examines the paths of the different players making up French opposition to the project by analyzing the discourse and political underpinnings of the protagonists. The study's comparative approach seeks to gain insights into the spatialities of the opposition movements in France and the Susa Valley. The article thus hopes to contribute to a more meaningful reflection on the distinction between “localness” and “proximity” by studying the relationship between protest movements and “mountain areas” as an entity in the process of the social construction of a line of argument.
- The Assertion of French Opposition to the “Lyon-Turin” Rail Link: a Conflict Between Liminality and Intermediate Spatiality - Kevin Sutton Public interest enquiries conducted in relation to the proposed Lyon-Turin rail link have revealed the development of a composite protest to the project in France, particularly in 2012. Different associations have emerged, along with a personality, Daniel Ibanez, which have provided this protest movement with both a face and greater coherence in its opposition to the project. A somewhat argumentative stance in 2012-2013 has progressively given way to one that has more clearly denounced the project since 2014, a change indicating a form of liminality in the expression of conflict. The foundations of this opposition in France remain distinct from those in the Susa Valley, the historic area of opposition to the project in Italy. The principle of usefulness is foremost in France while, historically, the principle of responsibility has been the driving force in Italy. This article examines the paths of the different players making up French opposition to the project by analyzing the discourse and political underpinnings of the protagonists. The study's comparative approach seeks to gain insights into the spatialities of the opposition movements in France and the Susa Valley. The article thus hopes to contribute to a more meaningful reflection on the distinction between “localness” and “proximity” by studying the relationship between protest movements and “mountain areas” as an entity in the process of the social construction of a line of argument.
- Conflit, territoire et économie de la frontière : la contrebande dans les Alpes dauphinoises au XVIIIe siècle - Anne Montenach Cet article aborde la thématique « Montagnes et conflictualité » par une analyse de la contrebande dans les Alpes dauphinoises au XVIIIe siècle. Province réputée étrangère, le Dauphiné est au XVIIIe siècle le théâtre d'une contrebande endémique qui se pratique à différentes échelles et relève aussi bien de la simple stratégie de survie que de l'entreprise capitaliste ou encore de la guerre commerciale entre États. Lieu paradoxal, à la fois obstacle et zone de passage, la frontière, par les différentiels qu'elle instaure, offre un espace-ressource, perméable, un lieu privilégié d'affirmation des pouvoirs politiques en même temps que de mise en place de stratégies de contournement. Dans un contexte d'affirmation des États nationaux, la frontière delphino-piémontaise et, à plus grande échelle, celle des hautes vallées fiscalement privilégiées du Briançonnais et du Queyras constituent un laboratoire de premier ordre pour observer les logiques à la fois territoriales, économiques et sociales de la fraude ainsi que la multiplicité des rapports de pouvoir à l'œuvre dans et autour de ces marchés illicites. L'étude prend en compte deux produits, l'un fortement taxé (le sel), l'autre prohibé (les indiennes), qui sont tous deux, paradoxalement, au cœur des consommations de la société européenne des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles.This article takes up the theme of “mountains and conflict” with a review of smuggling in the Dauphiné Alps during the 18th century. As a “foreign” and border province, smuggling was rife in Dauphiné and practised by a variety of inhabitants. For some, it was part of the daily strategy for survival, for others their normal commercial practice, while for states it became a bargaining chip in negotiations over trade wars. Paradoxically, the frontier was not only a barrier but also a passage, depending on the different scenarios enacted along its length: a resource, a porous fence, a key place for affirming state power, and an opportunity to circumvent state authority. At a time when nation-states were seeking to affirm their presence, the frontier between Dauphiné and Piedmont, and more specifically the border defining the privileges granted to the Briançon and Queyras districts, offers an excellent opportunity for studying the territorial, economic and social situations generated by the very presence of frontiers and the various forms of power relationships involved in or controlling illegal commerce. This article reviews the conditions surrounding the emergence of a black market in two products, the one heavily taxed (salt) and the other banned (calicos), both of which were in high demand by European consumers during the 17th and 18th centuries.
- Conflict, Territory and the Frontier Economy: Smuggling in the Alps of Dauphiné During the 18th Century - Anne Montenach This article takes up the theme of “mountains and conflict” with a review of smuggling in the Dauphiné Alps during the 18th century. As a “foreign” and border province, smuggling was rife in Dauphiné and practised by a variety of inhabitants. For some, it was part of the daily strategy for survival, for others their normal commercial practice, while for states it became a bargaining chip in negotiations over trade wars. Paradoxically, the frontier was not only a barrier but also a passage, depending on the different scenarios enacted along its length: a resource, a porous fence, a key place for affirming state power, and an opportunity to circumvent state authority. At a time when nation-states were seeking to affirm their presence, the frontier between Dauphiné and Piedmont, and more specifically the border defining the privileges granted to the Briançon and Queyras districts, offers an excellent opportunity for studying the territorial, economic and social situations generated by the very presence of frontiers and the various forms of power relationships involved in or controlling illegal commerce. This article reviews the conditions surrounding the emergence of a black market in two products, the one heavily taxed (salt) and the other banned (calicos), both of which were in high demand by European consumers during the 17th and 18th centuries.
- Quand les mobilisations citoyennes transforment la précordillère des Andes : le cas d'une association de riverains à Santiago du Chili - Consuelo Biskupovic, Caroline Stamm La précordillère, ou piémont andin, dans la région de Santiago, est dans sa grande majorité propriété privée. Les différents propriétaires, riverains, autorités et usagers de cet espace entrent en conflit lorsqu'il s'agit de discuter et penser la gestion de celui-ci. A partir de l'exemple de la commune de La Florida, cet article analyse dans quelle mesure les conflits dans la précordillère vont au-delà de simples conflits d'usage de l'espace et cherchent à créer une relation nouvelle avec la « montagne » et de nouveaux modes de gestion de ce(s) territoire(s). Alliant ethnographie et géographie, il revient sur le rôle que jouent les particularités du territoire de la précordillère dans les revendications collectives des habitants engagés dans sa protection et préservation. Dans ce contexte, nous discutons des conflits comme créateurs et amplificateurs de territorialité, ainsi que processus de territorialisation (à la fois concrète et abstraite) et d'innovation. La mise en place d'un parc communautaire, ni privé, ni public, souligne les nouvelles solutions innovantes qui peuvent émerger de ces mobilisations citoyennes.The Andean foothills found on the outskirts of Santiago are mainly private property. The management of this area has been an issue of conflict between residents and developers. Using the example of the municipality of La Florida, this article focuses on how conflict over the Andean foothills goes beyond simple land-use issues to create a new relationship with the “mountain” and new forms of land management. Combining ethnography and geography, this text highlights the role of the Andean foothills' peculiar characteristics in the collective demands of citizens committed to their protection and conservation. It also discusses the role of conflict in creating and amplifying territoriality and as a process of (concrete as well as abstract) territorialisation and innovation in itself. The development of a community park that is neither private nor public highlights how innovative solutions can emerge from these citizen mobilisations.
- When Citizen Mobilisations Transform the Andean Foothills: the Case of the Group for the Defence of the Precordillera - Consuelo Biskupovic, Caroline Stamm The Andean foothills found on the outskirts of Santiago are mainly private property. The management of this area has been an issue of conflict between residents and developers. Using the example of the municipality of La Florida, this article focuses on how conflict over the Andean foothills goes beyond simple land-use issues to create a new relationship with the “mountain” and new forms of land management. Combining ethnography and geography, this text highlights the role of the Andean foothills' peculiar characteristics in the collective demands of citizens committed to their protection and conservation. It also discusses the role of conflict in creating and amplifying territoriality and as a process of (concrete as well as abstract) territorialisation and innovation in itself. The development of a community park that is neither private nor public highlights how innovative solutions can emerge from these citizen mobilisations.
- Les contestations sociales du développement touristique dans les Hautes-Pyrénées : le rendez-vous manqué de l'innovation territoriale ? - Sylvie Clarimont, Vincent Vlès Dans les Pyrénées, la décentralisation des procédures d'autorisation des projets pouvait laisser penser que l'extension des stations de ski était davantage en prise avec les sociétés locales, les conflits mieux anticipés, relevant du passé. Il n'en est rien : la contiguïté entre des espaces fortement artificialisés dédiés à la pratique des sports de glisse et des espaces à haute valeur environnementale et paysagère continue de provoquer de nombreux conflits, assez peu médiatisés, mais disposant d'une réelle capacité de blocage. Car les associations qui mobilisent aujourd'hui ont changé d'outils, de modes opératoires et leur contre-pouvoir est devenu une réalité indéniable. Offrant une « résistance solide, organisée et dotée de compétences juridiques », elles contrecarrent les projets de développement qu'elles jugent préjudiciables par la voie de la légalité, abandonnant les mobilisations de masse : c'est une différence notable avec les modes opératoires antérieurs. Mais, contrairement aux mouvements des années 1970, ces mouvements associatifs restent locaux, animés par « des gens de la montagne », pragmatiques et peu hiérarchisés. Certaines mobilisations locales sont même parfois ambiguës, car elles regroupent des acteurs très hétéroclites, souvent juges et partis dans l'économie locale. Caractérisées par une posture protestataire, rares sont les associations qui parviennent à sortir du registre d'opposition pour proposer des alternatives, et par là initier de l'innovation territoriale.In the Pyrenees, the decentralised manner in which planning permission is awarded to projects might give the impression that the expansion of ski resorts is now more attuned to the concerns of local people, with potential conflicts handled more effectively than they were in the past. The reality is in fact quite different: The direct proximity of highly artificial spaces dedicated to winter sports with zones of exceptional environmental and natural importance continues to produce many conflicts; however, these receive relatively little media attention, but they have the potential to block development. Today's anti-development associations are using new tools and methods, and their ability to counter proposed projects is undeniable. Presenting a resistance that is “solid, well-organised and backed up by legal expertise”, they use legal channels to campaign against projects they consider to be harmful, and they eschew mass demonstrations. This marks a clear break from previous approaches. Unlike the protest movements of the 1970s, these citizens' associations remain pragmatic, non-hierarchical and local, led by ‘mountain folk'. Some local campaigns are ambiguous in nature and bring together a highly diverse array of stakeholders with interests in the local economy. Protest groups first and foremost, these associations rarely transcend their oppositional stance to propose real alternatives and become a force for territorial innovation.
- Societal Opposition to Tourism-Related Development in the Hautes-Pyrénées: a Missed Opportunity for Territorial Innovation? - Sylvie Clarimont, Vincent Vlès In the Pyrenees, the decentralised manner in which planning permission is awarded to projects might give the impression that the expansion of ski resorts is now more attuned to the concerns of local people, with potential conflicts handled more effectively than they were in the past. The reality is in fact quite different: The direct proximity of highly artificial spaces dedicated to winter sports with zones of exceptional environmental and natural importance continues to produce many conflicts; however, these receive relatively little media attention, but they have the potential to block development. Today's anti-development associations are using new tools and methods, and their ability to counter proposed projects is undeniable. Presenting a resistance that is “solid, well-organised and backed up by legal expertise”, they use legal channels to campaign against projects they consider to be harmful, and they eschew mass demonstrations. This marks a clear break from previous approaches. Unlike the protest movements of the 1970s, these citizens' associations remain pragmatic, non-hierarchical and local, led by ‘mountain folk'. Some local campaigns are ambiguous in nature and bring together a highly diverse array of stakeholders with interests in the local economy. Protest groups first and foremost, these associations rarely transcend their oppositional stance to propose real alternatives and become a force for territorial innovation.
- Au cœur de la guerre du Việt Nam : herbicides, napalm et bulldozers contre les montagnes d'A Lưới - Amélie Robert Situées dans la partie occidentale de la province de Thừa Thiên Huế (Centre-Việt Nam), les montagnes d'A Lưới ont été lourdement affectées par la guerre du Việt Nam (1961-1975). Zone refuge pour les Việt Cộng, traversées par la piste Hồ Chí Minh – axe stratégique pour ces derniers –, elles subissent de nombreux épandages d'herbicides et bombardements, y compris au napalm, avec une intensité plus grande que dans les autres unités paysagères. Ces pratiques sont perpétrées par les troupes américano-sud-vietnamiennes qui mènent une véritable guerre contre l'environnement de l'ennemi. Mais celuci est aussi à l'origine de perturbations. Il recourt notamment aux bulldozers pour la construction des nombreuses voies de la piste Hồ Chí Minh. La comparaison des cartes d'occupation des sols de circa 1954 et 1975, dressées le long de transects, révèle les dynamiques paysagères survenues pendant la guerre. Certains sylvosystèmes de la région montagneuse d'A Lưới régressent, surtout dans la vallée principale. Mais d'autres progressent, conséquences indirectes de la guerre. En raison des combats, les montagnards, ethnies minoritaires, modifient leurs pratiques puis désertent la région, favorisant ainsi la reconquête forestière sur les terres délaissées. Pour les Kinh, ethnie majoritaire, la guerre est l'occasion de se familiariser avec la région montagneuse, jusque-là délaissée.In the western part of the Thừa Thiên Huế province in Central Vietnam, the A Lưới Mountains were strongly affected by the Vietnam War (1961-1975). They were a refuge area for the Việt Cộng and crossed by the Hồ Chí Minh trail, which served as a strategic axis for them. Numerous herbicide sprayings and bombings, including napalm, struck the mountains and had a greater intensity than was the case in other landscape units. The US-South Vietnamese troops, which committed these practices, conducted a war against the enemy's environment. But the enemy was also responsible for damage in this regard. In particular, the Việt Cộng used bulldozers to construct several routes on the Hồ Chí Minh trail. Maps of the land used around 1954 and in 1975 were drawn along transects; a comparison between them shows the landscape dynamics that occurred during the war. Some sylvosystems of the mountain area of A Lưới regressed, especially in the main valley. But as an indirect consequence of the war, others made progress. Because of the fighting, mountain-dwellers belonging to minority ethnic groups changed their practices and then left the area, thus leading to forest recovery on the disused land. For the Kinh, the ethnic majority group, the war was an opportunity to become more familiar with the mountain area that they had previously neglected.
- At the Heart of the Vietnam War: Herbicides, Napalm and Bulldozers Against the A Lưới Mountains - Amélie Robert In the western part of the Thừa Thiên Huế province in Central Vietnam, the A Lưới Mountains were strongly affected by the Vietnam War (1961-1975). They were a refuge area for the Việt Cộng and crossed by the Hồ Chí Minh trail, which served as a strategic axis for them. Numerous herbicide sprayings and bombings, including napalm, struck the mountains and had a greater intensity than was the case in other landscape units. The US-South Vietnamese troops, which committed these practices, conducted a war against the enemy's environment. But the enemy was also responsible for damage in this regard. In particular, the Việt Cộng used bulldozers to construct several routes on the Hồ Chí Minh trail. Maps of the land used around 1954 and in 1975 were drawn along transects; a comparison between them shows the landscape dynamics that occurred during the war. Some sylvosystems of the mountain area of A Lưới regressed, especially in the main valley. But as an indirect consequence of the war, others made progress. Because of the fighting, mountain-dwellers belonging to minority ethnic groups changed their practices and then left the area, thus leading to forest recovery on the disused land. For the Kinh, the ethnic majority group, the war was an opportunity to become more familiar with the mountain area that they had previously neglected.