Contenu du sommaire : Un Maghreb qui se cherche

Algeria : which a Chinese economic presence ?
The image of relations that plunge into the history of both countries is vivid and the press is not stingy with statements reminding us of this : “China has given its support to our national liberation struggle – no one has forgotten it in Algeria – and the Chinese also remember that Algeria sponsored the resolution that allowed the People's Republic of China to resume its seat at the United Nations”. Beyond these historical encounters, China is of course this immense country of the “economic miracle” – even if recently and in the eyes of some people this miracle could seem like a mirage. And some observers point out that “present in Algeria for two decades, the Chinese have ended up feeding clichés and other stereotypes” which, if they reveal a profound ignorance of the Chinese presence – sometimes accompanied by a rejection of otherness – do not conceal that this ignorance is not only the fault of the population, but also that of the leaders. The following points are successively addressed : 790 Chinese companies, did you say ? . Investment and service provision - Chinese direct investment projects in Algeria . The amount of Chinese investment in Algeria . Sino-Algerian trade . Three Algerian import sectors . An opportunity, but for whom ?

Djamaa El Djazair a new ideological dimension for the Bay of Algiers
The Djamaà El Djazaïr mosque is one of the emblematic projects on the Bay of Algiers : a project which illustrates how politicians have recourse to projects of prestige to affirm their ideology and influence how the city's identity is formed. Like other grand projects across the world such as the Louvre museum in Paris, the Hassan II mosque in Casablanca and the Capital Gate tower in Abu Dhabi, this project is part of a quite recurrent practice of politicians who aspire to a certain longevity and an affirmation of their role as creators of new icons.The legitimacy of Djamaà El Djazaïr comes from its pretention to reflect a certain national identity in a globalised postmodern world, where more than ever image and communication are at the core of forming identities. It illustrates the unease that characterises North African societies today as they search for a certain authenticity which was for a long time jeopardised by successive colonisations as well as by socio-economic and political imbalance.Indeed, as an inescapable element of the urban landscape in the land of Islam, the mosque, by its architecture, constitutes a means of expressing the evolution of local cultural identities. The Djamaà El Djazaïr project then is an opportunity to produce an original work, the expression of a reappropriated cultural identity. This article will investigate the context of the emergence of the project, identify the stakes and the impact on a territory which is itself emblematic, the Bay of Algiers.

The socio-economic motives of the insecurity in southern Tunisia
The increasing insecurity in southern Tunisia since the revolution – worsened by the crisis in Libya and jihadism – has considerably transformed this previously peaceful area. The population is now caught between the rock of trafficking and jihadist and/or criminal incursions and the hard place of police and military control. The enormous stream of Libyan refugees – until recently – has contributed to the confusion. Moreover, socio-economic difficulties have added to the security risks and, since 2011, have maintained a situation of instability that the measures to militarise the border zones, set up in 2015, seem unable to overcome any time soon. The population, therefore, is obliged to play a complicated game to survive in which rejection of the State, absence of the State and demands of the State come together in a way which is not necessarily contradictory.

For a redesign of Tunisian-European relations or how to enable Tunisia be successful in its economic transitionThe relationship between the EU and Tunisia has been limited primarily to business interests. Before 1995 Tunisia received preferential treatment as a trading partner. In 1995 a free trade agreement was signed which has been in place until the present day. Now a new negotiation is taking place that seeks a “deep and comprehensive free trade area.” As in the past, this agreement does not look beyond commercial interests.Since the revolution of 2011, European leaders have put Tunisia forward as an exception among the Arab world. Tunisia, sharing the same values defended by Europe, is continually spoken about as an open country and burgeoning democracy, having respect for all human rights, particularly the rights of women. It has been noted many times that the success of Tunisia will produce many positive externalities for the whole of the Euro-Mediterranean region.The current economic difficulties of Tunisia are putting all that has been gained at risk. Tunisia now faces significant economic imbalances, which necessitate putting in place multifaceted reforms. Under these conditions the EU is called upon to change its current approach and focus on the establishment of a special relationship with Tunisia that looks beyond strictly commercial interests. The EU should treat Tunisia as a country wishing to apply the pre-accession reforms needed to join the EU, but which will not ultimately be part of the EU. The objective of this paper is to propose a new framework for a future EU – Tunisian partnership, as well as define a strategy, which reflects the deep and privileged relationship and responds to the long term ambitions shared by both parties for a future that goes beyond the European policy of a revised neighborhood.Beyond only economics considerations, the anchoring of Tunisia to Europe should be seen for Europe as a cornerstone of stability in its area of influence and its surrounding neighborhood, and for Tunisia, a guarantee of security and stability for its new democratic institutions.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: from pillar of the monarchy to enemy of the regime
The sudden developments that the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan has experienced since the Arab Spring are at a crossroads between a regional context which is increasingly complex and the Brotherhood's own history within the monarchy : A first section traces the main events marking the history of the Brotherhood from its foundation up to 1989, the year of the return to normal of a previously chaotic electoral process ; secondly we deal with the period from 1989 to 2011, during which the Islamic Action Front, the political branch of the Brotherhood, imposed itself as the most important opposition party on the Jordanian scene ; a third section is devoted to the consequences of actions taken since 2011 and which have led to the splintering that the movement is experiencing today. This splintering deprives the regime of the only political representative which, within Jordanian society, had the necessary critical mass to contain situations of economic, social and political crisis which look set to be explosive.

Daesh, the dark times
Fulgurance and disruptive innovation, Daesh surprised many diplomatic chanceries by proclaiming a caliphate in the Middle East (2014). Like any active entity, the Islamic State group has a Temporal Signature. This new concept, presented in this study, sheds light on the root causes of the movement, as well as the concept of “Impact Zones” which indicates the impact of the T factor on jihadists who aim to reverse the arrow of time to reconnect with ancient times. The 2017 defeat did not affect their determination. Fighters frozen in a regressive reading of history, men in the grip of a dichotomy between the myth of the lost paradise, the Hegira, and the impatience of eternity, they solve the equation of “Political Time” by conducting a blind jihadism, convinced that Islam requires us to “believe without how and without meaning” (Hanbal).

Russia's influence strategies in the MENA region
Russia's military operations in Syria has allowed Moscow to be seen as a credible strategic and political player by many countries in the MENA region. The perceived confusion in Western policies has undeniably helped Moscow indirectly. Russia is now actively promoting its strategic and economic interests in the region, but there are many questions about the possible evolution and entrenchment of its restored regional authority.

Tzahal on screen: “the heroes are tired”Tzahal, very early on, imposed itself as something to be filmed. Presented as the incarnation of Israeli society and the new Jew that Zionism tried to construct, its representations in film first of all built a virile, heroic model, both in Israel and abroad, which becomes brutality for its adversaries. However, the trauma of the 1973 war and the loss of the sense of this model in the face of challenges that Israeli society was confronted with progressively led to a renewal of these representations. In tune with the evolution of Israeli cinema, representations of the army are imposed which highlight the cracks and the violence of which the soldiers are the culprits or the victims, at the same time as a complex relationship between the memory of the film-makers in the armed forces and their mistrust of militarism. The army remains an emblem of Israel, but its contrasting representations are an invitation to reflect on the influence of these images on the political imagination.