Contenu du sommaire : L'attentat, du tyrannicide au terrorisme
Revue | Le Temps des Médias |
---|---|
Numéro | no 32, printemps 2019 |
Titre du numéro | L'attentat, du tyrannicide au terrorisme |
Texte intégral en ligne | Accès réservé |
- Hommage à Pierre Albert - Gilles Feyel p. 5-8
Dossier. L'attentat, du tyrannicide au terrorisme
The Sicarii and the Zealots are two groups of Jewish militants, hostile to Rome, who were active in first-century Judaea. The historian Flavius Josephus presents them very negatively as he attributes to them a great deal of the responsibility for the first Jewish Revolt (66 CE – 73 CE), which was fatal to the aspirations for the independence of the Jewish nation. Modern historians, who see them as “pious assassins”, have often conflated the two groups. In actuality, although they shared the nationalistic views of the "Fourth Philosophy," which first appeared in 6 CE, they are distinct. Only the Sicarii [so called by the Romans, who considered them bandits] practiced urban terrorism against their fellow countrymen accused of collaborating with the Roman authorities. The Zealots (who gave this name to themselves to emphasise their zeal for God) were young Jerusalemite priests who refused allegiance to Rome. Both groups played a role in triggering the Revolt — the Sicarii by taking over the Masada Fortress in 66 CE which they continued to hold until 73 CE as the last outpost of Jewish resistance, and the Zealots by refusing to accept the sacrifices offered to the Temple by the Roman emperor.- L'attentat, un objet au croisement de l'histoire politique et de l'histoire des médias - Maëlle Bazin, Gilles Ferragu, Claire Sécail p. 10-22
- Sicaires et Zélotes, rebelles nationalistes ou « assassins pieux » - Mireille Hadas-Lebel p. 23-33 The Sicarii and the Zealots are two groups of Jewish militants, hostile to Rome, who were active in first-century Judaea. The historian Flavius Josephus presents them very negatively as he attributes to them a great deal of the responsibility for the first Jewish Revolt (66 CE – 73 CE), which was fatal to the aspirations for the independence of the Jewish nation. Modern historians, who see them as “pious assassins”, have often conflated the two groups. In actuality, although they shared the nationalistic views of the "Fourth Philosophy," which first appeared in 6 CE, they are distinct. Only the Sicarii [so called by the Romans, who considered them bandits] practiced urban terrorism against their fellow countrymen accused of collaborating with the Roman authorities. The Zealots (who gave this name to themselves to emphasise their zeal for God) were young Jerusalemite priests who refused allegiance to Rome. Both groups played a role in triggering the Revolt — the Sicarii by taking over the Masada Fortress in 66 CE which they continued to hold until 73 CE as the last outpost of Jewish resistance, and the Zealots by refusing to accept the sacrifices offered to the Temple by the Roman emperor.
- Chroniques troubles pour troubles chroniques : sources narratives et usage politique de la violence dans le Bohême du début du XIVe siècle - Quentin Dylewski p. 34-47 A major political crisis erupted in Bohemia at the beginning of the 14th century when the last přemyslid king, Wenceslaus III, was murdered. Four kings died between 1305 and 1308 in suspicious circumstances, according to different contemporary chroniclers, two of them being brutally murdered. These events are differently interpreted depending on the allegiances of the chroniclers and on the rivalries of the most important local dynasties, revealing their ability to make a political use of violence.
- Quand l'attentat était un acte religieux. Le tyrannicide d'Henri III (1589) - David El Kenz p. 48-66 Le 1er août 1589, un moine du nom de Jacques Clément assassine Henri III, à Saint-Cloud, près de Paris. La Sainte-Union médiatise aussitôt l'événement par les imprimeurs de la capitale. À partir d'un corpus d'une vingtaine d'occasionnels et de placards illustrés, cette étude interroge la diffusion et la réception de ce que les ligueurs désignent par tyrannicide. Le martyre de Clément est au cœur de sa justification. Plus tardivement, les partisans d'Henri IV répondent à travers la diabolisation du régicide. Nous interrogerons, enfin, l'écho de ce débat dans les tensions de la guerre de la Ligue.On August 1st 1589, Jacques Clément, a monk, murders Henri III in Saint Cloud, a town close to Paris. The Holy Union publicizes this event through the printers of the capital city. Reviewing approximately twenty occasionals and illustrated “placards”, this study looks into the dissemination and reception of “tyrannicide” by supporters of the League. Clément's martyrdom plays a key role in this vindication. Later on, Henri IV's followers will react to this vindication by demonizing regicide. Finally, we question how this debate resonated through the League War.
- Un attentat « mémorable », le Gunpowder Plot (1605) - Stéphane Haffemayer p. 67-86 Le 5 novembre 1605, le « Complot des Poudres » fomenté par quelques membres de la gentry catholique, aurait pu détruire, dans le souffle d'une formidable explosion, à la fois le Parlement et la famille royale. Son échec suscita une médiatisation immédiate, par l'imprimé par l'image, et enclencha une dynamique mémorielle appelée à devenir un repère majeur de la culture politique protestante anglaise : les célébrations annuelles soudaient les communautés autour d'un antipapisme fédérateur, mais elles cristallisaient aussi les tensions politiques du moment. La réactualisation mémorielle se doublait de réinvestissements aux significations changeantes.On Fifth November 1605, the « Gunpowder Plot » hatched by a few members of the Catholic Gentry, could have destroyed, in the blow of a tremendous explosion, both the Parliament and the Royal Family. Its failure engendered a great and immediate mediatisation, through prints and engravings, and set up a dynamic memory called to become a major reference point in the english political protestant culture : the annual commemorations tightened communities on the basis of a federative antipapism, but they also crystallized political tensions of the moment. The re-actualization of memory was combined with reinvestments whose significances were multiple.
- L'insaisissable « propagande par le fait » dans la presse corporative des gendarmes et des policiers à la fin du XIXe siècle - Laurent López p. 87-105 La multiplication des attentats anarchistes commis en France dans les dernières années du XIXe siècle vise particulièrement les forces de l'ordre, directement ou non. En prenant le prisme original de la presse corporative des policiers et des gendarmes, on tente de déceler les effets collectifs de cette violence en termes de représentations et de transformations institutionnelles ainsi que de caractériser son éventuelle singularité homicide.The multiplication of anarchist attacks committed in France in the last years of the nineteenth century is particularly aimed at the police, directly or not. Taking the original prism of the corporate press of the police and the gendarmes, we try to detect the collective effects of this violence in terms of representations and institutional transformations as well as to characterize its possible homicidal singularity.
- L'écho médiatique d'une action « terroriste » en contexte colonial. L'attentat coréen à Shanghai (1932), entre indifférence et réprobation - Laurent Quisefit L'attentat perpétré à Shanghai le 29 avril 1932 contre les autorités japonaises fut un événement largement publicisé à travers le monde. La presse française, de métropole ou des colonies, diffusa largement la nouvelle, en conspuant généralement cette action « terroriste ». Action d'éclat de la résistance coréenne, l'affaire, suscitant l'indignation unanime du public, desservit généralement la cause de l'indépendance de la Corée auprès des observateurs occidentaux. Cette opération renforça cependant la sympathie des nationalistes chinois pour les patriotes coréens.The Shanghai terrorist attack against the Japanese officials, of 29 April, 1932, was widely publicized all around the world. The French newspapers, either in France or in the colonies, published articles criticizing severely this Korean action. This affair, though it was a success of the Korean resistance, producing a common indignation from the opinion, did not helped the cause of the independence of Korea in the eyes of the Westerners. Nonetheless, this action strengthened the Chinese sympathy for the Korean independence movement.
- Otages à la Une. La couverture médiatique de l'attentat des JO de Munich (1972) - Emilie Roche p. 106-123 The purpose of this paper is to examine the media coverage of the Munich Olympics-Black September attack, september 1972, through French and American newsmagazines and ORTF and ABC News channel. In order to understand the suddenness, trauma and symbol of this event we will focus on media discourses and pictures. The aim of this study is to understand the media environment surrounding this attack and to show how traumatic this event has filled western collectiv imagination and social representations about political terrorism.
- Wafa Idris ou la mythification du terrorisme féminin (Jérusalem, 2002) - Julia Sei p. 124-136 Wafa Idris is the first Palestinian woman who committed a suicide attack in Palestine. On January 27th, 2002, she blew herself up in a downtown Jerusalem shopping mall, killing one Israeli man and wounding several others. As the first female martyr to die for the Palestinian cause, her death has reverberated both at the national and the international level. In the aftermath of her death, Arabic medias glorified Idris and hailed her as the new breed of Palestinian heroes. The progressive mythification of Wafa Idris will be shown in this article.
- Images de violence et impératifs politiques. Représenter les djihadistes sur les écrans du monde arabe - Thomas Richard p. 137-152 Trying to face Isis' propaganda, Arab film directors developed a very different way of representing jihadi terrorism from their Western counterparts. Heavily constrained by their production situations, these films (from Iraq, Tunisia, Egypt and Saudi Arabia), insist on a political apprehension of the phenomenon, rather than through the radicalization prism. Their aesthetics aims at ridiculing the jihadi propaganda, or do not shy from presenting violent images in order to denounce this propaganda.
- La communication médiatique des présidents de la République française en période d'attentats (1985-2016) - Pierre-Emmanuel Guigo This article shows the evolutions of the presidential communication during terrorist attacks. We compare four case studies (1985-1986 ; 1995 ; 2012 ; 2015-2016) in order to understand the reasons explaining the exponential growth of the presidential mediatic interventions during terrorist attacks. We see some common points, particularly in the discourse. But the growth can be explained for us in reason the presidential mandate reduction. Moreover, presidential unpopularity steers the president to communicate in order to benefit from the “rally round the flag” effect (Mueller).
- Presse écrite et événement terroriste : routines narratives et émergence de la société civile (1995-2016) - Isabelle Garcin-Marrou, Isabelle Hare p. 153-169 The irruption of terrorism within the States of law undermines the social bond and democracy. In these days of the crisis created by violence, the media produce stories that allow the integration the event into the history of the society affected by the violence. The semiotic and discursive analysis of the newspapers published during the 1995-1996 (Paris) and 2015-2016 (Paris and Nice) attacks makes it possible to understand the evolution of media narratives and the emergence of civil society.
- Du feuilleton populaire à la télévision cérémonielle. Quand Plus belle la vie rend hommage aux victimes des attentats - Héloïse Boudon p. 170-183 On the 13th of January 2015, the French daily soap opera Plus belle la vie inserts at the beginning of its episode an additional scene about Charlie Hebdo's terrorist attack. Then, the show repeats this initiative after Paris and Brussels' attacks on a most reactive way. On one hand, this article interrogates the evolution of the scenes and on the other hand, it enlights the particular potentials of a fiction in these circumstances.
- L'image-martyre. Réappropriations télévisuelles des vidéos d'amateur de l'attentat de Nice (2016) - Giuseppina Sapio p. 184-199 The article aims at analysing the role of amateur videos in the communication of information, with regard to the special editions of the international TV news broadcasted the day after the terroristic attack of July 14th 2016 in Nice. Against a backdrop characterized by a systematic occultation of death, the videos contribute to the celebration of the survivors, by means of their sound dimension. Those “martyrs-images” have a witness value and help exorcise the violent death within media rituals such as news broadcasts.
Territoires d'études
- Lire « au coin de la rue », ou l'entrée du Portugal dans l'ère médiatique - Luís Augusto Costa Dias p. 201-218
Entretiens
- « Sans les médias, on ne sortait pas de l'ombre ». Porter la parole des victimes du terrorisme - Françoise Rudetzki, Maëlle Bazin, Gilles Ferragu, Claire Sécail p. 219-233
- « Un procureur n'est pas là pour faire peur et en rajouter ». Communiquer l'attentat - François Molins, Maëlle Bazin, Gilles Ferragu, Claire Sécail p. 234-246
- Recherche - Actualités - Jamil Dakhlia p. 247-262
- Parutions - Valérie Schafer p. 263-288
- Medianet - Françoise Hache-Bissette p. 289-292
Chronique Passé-Présent
- Le choc de l'attentat et ses suites : récits de victimes - Maëlle Bazin, Gilles Ferragu, Claire Sécail, Anne-Claude Ambroise-Rendu p. 293-299