Contenu du sommaire : La démocratie en Afrique : tours et détours

Elections are held on a regular basis in various African countries, but democracy is far from flourishing. A number of heads of state have successfully pushed through measures allowing them to extend their terms of office, while opposition parties lack clout. A new incumbent in the top job does not necessarily lead to better governance. China's drive to increase its presence on the African continent will do little to further the decline of authoritarianism.

In February 2019, Nigerian voters reelected the “outgoing” president, Muhammadu Buhari. While the people of Nigeria have the opportunity to change their head of state, Nigerian democracy is looking distinctly below par. The political class is riddled with corruption. Successive leaders have proven themselves incapable of bringing the country together and ensuring public safety in certain areas. Boko Haram is still fighting back, exposing the vulnerabilities of the state.

To create a political shift that draws a line under conflict once and for all, it is not always enough to draft a democratic constitution and call elections. In the DRC and the Central African Republic, the old elites remain in power, and seemingly functional institutions merely project a semblance of democracy. International actors tend towards dogmatic approaches that fail to engage seriously with the long-term process of rebuilding civil society. Democracy cannot be imposed by foreign decree.

Mauritania's political system displays certain democratic qualities that go some way to meeting international standards. However, this veneer is too thin to conceal its recurrent electoral irregularities and, most importantly, the presence of a hegemonic faction that controls the country. The governing party and the economic interests it represents ensure that resources are reallocated so as to perpetuate the scarcity economy.

The G7 is an informal but prominent part of the global governance landscape. Its members are supposedly united by a set of common values – which explains, for example, why Russia no longer has a seat at the table. The G7 oversees a highly complex apparatus designed to respond to any global issue. The Charlevoix summit and the various meetings surrounding it underscored Canada's ambition to give these mechanisms new impetus and a fresh slant.

For Moscow, Russia's admission into the G7/8 symbolized a rapprochement with “the West”. However, the process was slow-going, and Moscow never truly became part of the club. Russia soon realized that the G8 was not the hoped-for platform for addressing its strategic concerns. With the advent of the G20 and the Ukrainian crisis, the G7 sank irrevocably in Moscow's estimation, seeming to promise little more than to espouse and elucidate the interests of the waning West.

The war in Yemen has entered its fifth year, and the situation is more complex than ever. Tribal clashes and struggles between regional powers are intricately intertwined. The country is deeply fractured and the humanitarian crisis grows worse with each passing day. The agreement signed in Stockholm in December 2018 between Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi's government and Houthi rebels has barely made an impact on the ground. With the two sides locked in a stalemate, the limits of the UN's capacity to intervene are plain to see.

While ISIS and al-Qaeda engaged in a violent confrontation in the Middle East, their “affiliates” in the Sahel tended to give one another a wide berth. Since 2017, they even seem to have reached something of an understanding, with the occasional bout of cooperation. The collapse of ISIS in Syria and Iraq will have repercussions in the Sahel. While it is by no means certain that Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) and the Support Group for Islam and Muslims (JNIM) will join forces, what we can say for sure is that jihadism will maintain its hold on the region.

In October 2018, Brazilian voters chose their new president: Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro aims to break with the policies of his predecessors, particularly when it comes to foreign relations. His primary diplomatic focus is forging stronger ties with Washington. Bolsonaro's politics align with Donald Trump's on many issues, but Brazil lacks the might of the United States and engaging in a power struggle with China or the Muslim world would be a very risky move.

New technologies may have a part to play in developing more effective public policies. The “open data” movement increases the transparency of administrations and offers opportunities to tackle corruption. In the context of public-private partnerships, this data can be used to help decision makers optimize the allocation of public resources and make the right choices. Digitalization can streamline certain processes and make life easier for citizens.

The imbroglio between the EU and neighboring Russia deepened following the annexation of the Crimea, and there is no obvious solution that could precipitate a greater mutual understanding. It is clear that the two parties have very different perspectives on the world and its problems. Here, we endeavor to piece together the Russian narrative in relation to the post-Cold War world, and to deconstruct Russia's perception of the EU, in order to reach a better understanding of what divides them and the real issues at play.

Even within the inner circles of power, a debate appears to be opening up around life after Putin. Will Russia's very particular relationship to Western norms be preserved once he has left office? There is more at stake here than the country's political vision, insofar as Moscow's elites may find themselves under pressure to address the country's economic decline and disaffected population. The future of the regime will hinge upon the success or failure of the government's economic decisions.