Contenu du sommaire : Action collective et exclusion sociale

In the field of work, the development of joint action is linked to the rebuilding of the structure of the workforce, and to the impact that can be had on it through the re-engineering of the means of production and the growth of the «new professionalisms». These are modifying the nature of the «communities relevant to collective action» (Segrestin, 1980) which are not any longer necessarily organised round a single professional identity but also round the location or the group. This is the case with the industrial cleaning sector, where the favoured place for the integration of the workforce is not the company but the workplace, this in other respects enabling it to be the object of specific groupings, by ethnic

The Aude département has been directly hit by the reform of the Common Market Organisation. With this plan, the European Commission (EC) intends to drive «uncompetitive» producers to step out of wine production and to change activities. Although they perceive the EC as the main responsible, small winegrowers do not engage in collective protest against Brussels'civil servants. In order to explain such a situation, the light should be shed on several factors which prevent unifying the grievances. The institutions which are supposed to give a social help to the poorest winegrowers put the emphasis on individual responsibility and hinder the expression of collective claims. Trade unions are involved in separate negotiations and do not manage to act as representative of a single group.

The carceral condition is the result of an exceptional combination of both physical and symbolic constraints and stigmas. It embodies an extreme situation with regard to social marginility as well as the multiple obstacles to collective action. Given these extraordinary conditions, the improbable fulfilment of intra-muros mobilizations can be considered as a sociological miracle. This article deals with the exemplary case of the anti-prison activism in Federal Republic of Germany and in France around 1968. It proposes some elements of comparison and emphasizes the different role played by the issue of «political imprisonment» in each country.

In 1997, in France, unemployed people mobilized in a movement that can be considered as a political and theoretical turning point. In the one hand the unemployed movement was characterised as representativeless and spokesmanless but in fact the unemployed people were able to organise themselves and to be represented on the public scene. In the article we consider the possible conceptualization of this movement from the relations between politics and showing up and we refer to the work of Jacques Rancière.

This article aims at showing how the conflict of the «intermittents du spectacle» (self-employed actors and technicians) is inseparable of their working experience. This way, the mobilization of emotions in the conflict builds up a severe test both collective and singular. It generates different forms of action and protests which allow the reactivation of equals'community a long way from the precariousness and individualism of the artistic world.

The analysis of the Don Quichotte's mobilization for homeless people in 2006 helps us to better understand its effects on public policies. First, it accelerated the change of the government tool from a technical one to a legislative one. Secondly, it stressed the debate on the political aspect of the public problem, while the previous «Plan of winter urgency» pointed out the humanitarian side and the specific organization it implied. Finally, this study suggests that the technicisation of public policies and the attempt to neutralize what is politically at stake could not be fully successful since it has always been producing resistances.