Contenu du sommaire : Quelles perspectives pour les relations transatlantiques ?

By virtue of its history and power, the United States plays a major role on the international stage, though it should not be forgotten that its first priority is its own interests. In practice therefore, multilateralism has evolved in form with differing degrees of diplomacy or brutality in the way leadership is conducted.

Whilst the United States seems to have pulled back somewhat from the complex business of the Middle-East to focus on the Indo-Pacific region, it cannot afford to lose interest in the subject. The security of Israel and Iranian ambitions, together with advances by China and Russia remain major centres of interest for Washington.

Transatlantic relations have been marked since 11 September 2001 by the fight against terrorism, the approach to which has evolved over time. Washington's current priority of the Indo-Pacific region is calling into question some of the fundamentals, particularly on the European side: Europeans are having to face up to new responsibilities.

Non-proliferation is a complex and hitherto little-considered subject which leads to often complementary, though sometimes different European and American positions. Quite apart from the nuclear question, proliferation carries risks with centrally political dimensions as has been demonstrated in the difficulties encountered with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

The Indo-Pacific region has become the centre of gravity of confrontation between China and the United States with a consequent effect on force balances. By dint of its territories in the region France is a concerned player and needs to increase its presence, drawing in particular on the capabilities of the Air and Space Force.

The taking of Kabul by the Taliban in August 2021 marked a break with the recent past and closed a chapter of history that began on 11 September 2001. Beyond the American retreat from Afghanistan it is the entire West, in all its diversity, that has been challenged and whose interventionism has been called into question at a time when hard power has again become the rule.

The CIA was interested in Afghanistan from a very early date, since it sits at the crossroads of the Soviet empire, Mao's China and India. Now, after the final departure of US troops, China could begin to play an essential role—economic, political or even military—if only to protect its own interests.

The territory that makes up today's Afghanistan was long an area of high stakes between Tsarist Russia and the British Empire, since he who holds it can control Central Asia. Antagonism between the two powers led to a Great Game, spurred on by the ethnic rivalry peculiar to this land of warrior tribes.

The MGCS programme has fallen prey to difficulties in Franco-German cooperation. Solutions are nevertheless possible, especially given that our DITB already has the technological building bricks and can more rapidly develop a MGCS that meets our particular operational needs.

The renewal of the armoured component of the Gendarmerie has begun, with the replacement of the current Véhicule blindé à roues de la Gendarmerie (VBRG—Gendarmerie wheeled armoured vehicle) that has been in service since 1974. The future vehicle, the Centaure, will provide new and essential capabilities to respond to the challenges of internal security. Ninety of these vehicles are planned.

Since the days of Mao, Africa has held an important place in Chinese strategy. Today, Beijing sees numerous geopolitical advantages in affirming its role on the African continent—in spreading its own politico-economic model and creating a network of vassal states.

Problems affecting the English-speaking regions of Cameroon worsened as a result of widespread tension that led to the creation of separatist movements. These movements have spread to Nigeria, increasing insecurity there, a situation which risks yet further deterioration by the expansion of the Boko Haram terrorist organisation.

The Crimean War led to a fundamental change in navies, for France in particular. Through the lessons learned from that conflict, and drawing on progress offered by the industrial revolution, in just two decades the French Navy was transformed with the introduction of steam-powered battleships.

Although constrained by contemporary events, the Fifth Republic worked towards launching the French military nuclear programme by taking a number of decisions that allowed General de Gaulle to continue with projects already underway, some since the 1956 Suez crisis.