Contenu du sommaire : Afrique, France, une nouvelle relation…

France, along with with Europe, needs to revise its way of working with Africa which is many-faceted and calls upon genuine partnerships based on balance and respect. This needs to be long-term work with a multi-disciplinary approach, and should encompass the fields of culture and education.

The era of Françafrique, French-influenced Africa, is past and gone. That should not mean a retreat, however, but a reform of the relationship, a recognition of differences and a genuine opening-up to the peoples and their aspirations in a climate of mutual respect.

Anti-French feeling has developed in the same way as anti-Western feeling yet with greater force—hate, even—for many reasons, and with blame on both sides. Failure to take into account the aspirations of youth is fuelling rejection of a France whose model no longer appears attractive.

In the face of current changes, France should reinvest in Africa whilst fully taking into account the extent of change in progress, particularly among the young, who deserve to be the priority. Credible and realistic projects are already underway and should be supported by all partners, European ones included.

France has suffered a number of setbacks in Africa. We need to draw lessons from them and work differently in order to restore weakened confidence whilst avoiding naïvety regarding an aggressive Russia, whose militia is shamelessly pillaging the resources of Mali and the Central African Republic.

The private sector plays a major role in French relations in Africa. In the face of developing anti-French feeling, companies contribute to maintaining useful economic and social links. Renewal of the partnership with the African continent requires private sector participation in joint initiatives.

The Horn of Africa is at an economic and geopolitical crossroads, with growing importance in the complexities of the Indo-Pacific, African and Arabian Peninsula region. There are major challenges to development, in addition to which ever-present political and ethnic antagonism often leads to conflict.

Russia is highly active in Africa through reliance on Wagner Group mercenaries, especially in the Central African Republic and Mali. The anti-French campaign is freely relayed by some local leaders little moved by Wagner's abuses and pillage of local resources, such as gold.

Defining the height of intensity of a given combat is far from easy. It involves what the combatant feels, but also takes factual data into account. When combined with factors of variability the latter lead to quantification of the concept of intensity. In view of current developments, this mathematical approach is now necessary.

The UN has been conducting peacekeeping operations in complex environments for 75 years. If the results have not always matched up to initial hopes, the operations remain necessary and allow the establishment of constructive dialogue between the parties in a conflict.

France has not remained in the background vis-à-vis the war in Ukraine, and even though its support for Kyiv is solid and convincing, its position has not always been well understood by our partners. This lack of understanding stems from the strategic exception long defended by Paris.

The Anglo-American landings in North Africa on 8 November 1942 were a major tipping point for France. Vichy lost what little it had of its limited sovereignty and Giraud and de Gaulle ended in confrontation in 1943—the first limiting himself to a military approach, the second having a geopolitical vision of the war.

From 1943, reconstruction of French forces was a military and political challenge. The support of the Allies was essential, and there was strict subordination. General de Gaulle was able to force his hand on three occasions, including that of the liberation of Paris, but understood the limitations imposed upon French sovereignty.

The scuttling of the fleet in Toulon in 1942 added further pain to the traumas of Mers el-Kébir and Dakar. The remaining warships were either damaged or outdated. With help from American and British allies the Navy was back in the order of battle in time to take part in operations towards the end of the war.

The Air Force had the benefit of American aid for its reconstruction, and at the same time its doctrine was changed under the direction of General Bouscat by separating it from the authority of the Army and General Giraud, and their obsolete ideas over the use of the air arm. This rearmament led to a period of modernisation which was achieved after 1945.

The Navy had been heavily put to the test and its recommissioning from 1943 was far from straightforward even though the sailors were then able to take up the fight alongside the Free French Naval Forces, which had been engaged since the end of June 1940. Naval transfers from the Allies were essential for rebuilding the French Navy after the scuttling in Toulon.

Although the 1990s and 2000s were decades of growth in general for Central America, various crises have slowed the momentum of regional integration. Nayib Bukele, the President of El Salvador who will take up the presidency of SICA (the Central American Integration System) in June, hopes to give it a second wind.