Contenu du sommaire : Comptes-rendus d'ouvrages

This article delves into two periods of tension within the Canada-US relationship: from 1968 to 1976, during which Ottawa multiplied its gestures of rupture with Washington amid the upsurge of Canadian nationalism; and from 2001 to 2006, when, in the immediate post-9/11 context, Ottawa and Washington clashed over security issues. Analyzing these two crises allows us to put forward a tension/alleviation model, which complements the Keohane-Nye model of asymmetrical and complex interdependence between Canada and the United States. Our model is based on the interaction of three factors: (1) domestic pressures pushing governments to review the frameworks of the relationship; (2) transformations in the international environment; and (3) complex personal relations between the Canadian Prime Minister and US presidents. We conclude with a reflection on what our model can teach us about the most recent crisis in the Canada-US relationship, beginning with Donald Trump's rise to power in 2017.

Canada-US bilateral defense relations exhibit asymmetry and interdependence due to shared geography, different capabilities, and a combination of informal defense agreements (such as the North American Aerospace Defense Command, henceforth NORAD), alongside formal treaty commitments. The dynamic results in a status quo where Canada relies upon bilateral and multilateral institutions to manage the externalities of (geo) strategic challenges, compensate for its defense limitations, and contribute to collective defense goods. Unfortunately, combined continental and transatlantic myopia produced underdeveloped security relationships in the Indo-Pacific region, evidenced by the absence of solid defense diversified cooperation. Despite this, Canada has responded to Russian aggressive behavior by offering financial and military contributions to Ukraine, potentially leaving its territorial defense vulnerable. Public commitments to modernize continental aerospace warning capabilities have been made, yet Canada continues to face complex threats, i.e., (dis)information, cyberattacks, hybrid threats, and the forces of extremisms, populisms requiring continued awareness, mitigation, and adaptation, alongside partner collaboration in informalized institutions. This paper discusses several strategic geographic policy areas where increased defense cooperation efforts are essential to protect defense and security interests, including the Arctic and climate change and security. Taken together, after reviewing seven challenges that both countries face, Canada finds itself compelled to rely on a combination of multilateral, bilateral agreements and collaborative institutions simultaneously attempting to constrain as well as regulate US foreign and defense policies to mitigate rational strategic challenges and ensure Canada's territorial defense and national security interests are met.

Joe Biden's visit to Canada in March 2023 shows the extent to which economic deglobalization and great-power rivalries (with China and Russia) influence US foreign policy toward its allies. This article combines David Mayhew's rational choice theory and John Mearsheimer's neorealism to highlight the two main trends shaping Canada-US relations under Joe Biden and Justin Trudeau. On one hand, the US's interest in economic deglobalization prompts Biden to adopt a protectionist stance toward Canada, aiming to secure crucial support for his re-election in 2024. On the other hand, Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the rise of China sometimes pushed Biden to break with this same protectionism and to strengthen ties with Canada, to better compete with rival great powers. The article's conclusion sheds light on how the 2024 US presidential election will likely affect both trends.