| Titre | Dépouiller Rome ? Genséric, Avitus et les statues en 455 | |
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| Auteur | Umberto Roberto | |
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Revue | Revue historique |
| Numéro | no 684, 2017/4 | |
| Page | 775-802 | |
| Résumé |
L'assassinat de Valentinien III (16 mars 455) fut interprété comme le prélude à une grave crise de l'empire d'Occident. Les sources considèrent le sac de Rome par les Vandales de Genséric (du 2 au 16 juin 455), ainsi que d'autres signes, comme une conséquence de ce meurtre. Dans une situation de vide politique, Genséric ne dépouilla pas la ville que de ses richesses et d'otages, mais aussi de ses symboles du pouvoir. En pillant les trophées que Rome avait accumulés au cours des siècles, le roi des Vandales montrait que le pouvoir se déplaçait à Carthage, la capitale de son règne. À cette grave dévastation s'ajouta bientôt l'acte impie du nouvel empereur Avitus. Arrivé de Gaule à Rome avec les Wisigoths qui le soutenaient, Avitus fut bientôt obligé de les congédier. Il ordonna alors de détruire les statues et les décorations en bronze afin d'obtenir, par la vente du métal, l'argent nécessaire pour les payer. Le peuple et le sénat s'insurgèrent à cause de cette action qui n'était nullement digne d'un empereur romain. Dans les milieux sénatoriaux se diffusèrent à nouveau des oracles qui rappelaient combien la protection des statues de Rome était nécessaire pour garantir la survie de l'empire. Ces inquiétudes portèrent à la rédaction de la Novelle 4 de l'empereur Majorien (11 juillet 458), dans laquelle était rappelée la nécessité de défendre l'ornatus civitatis. De plus, le reflet de l'inquiétude des contemporains se transmit depuis les milieux occidentaux jusque dans la culture constantinopolitaine de VIe siècle. On trouve des traces de cette question dans les milieux de la bureaucratie palatine : chez Zosime, et, avec une référence explicite aux statues détruites par Avitus, chez Jean le Lydien et Jean d'Antioche. Source : Éditeur (via Cairn.info) |
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| Résumé anglais |
The murder of Valentinian III on March 16th 455 was perceived as an epochal break by a part of contemporary historians. The event also seemed to predict impending misfortune for the Roman western Empire, as the dynasty of Valentinian I and Theodosius was ended. Valentinian's assassination was in fact followed by the sack of Rome by Geiseric (2th-16th June 455). The city was brutally ravaged by the Vandals. As the emperor Petronius Maximus was killed in an unsuccessful attempt to leave the city, neither political mediation, nor military reaction were possible. Only Pope Leo I courageously negotiated with the Vandals. It was possible to come to an agreement: the safety of the population was guaranteed, but the wealth and the monuments of Rome were completely delivered to the Vandals. Actually, the devastating plunder of the city was not only caused by barbarian greed. Geiserich also acted according to his political strategy. As ruler of a new powerful kingdom, Geiserich took with him statues and treasures in order to adorn his own capital, Carthage. This decision should symbolize the transfer of hegemony from the Roman empire in decline to the Vandalic State. After the sack of 455, the recovery of the city – as it had happened after Alarich's sack (410) – was not possible. Rome lost his majesty and his ancient magnificence. In this sorrowful atmosphere, the new emperor Avitus entered Rome in autumn 455. Avitus had been proclaimed emperor by the Gallic aristocracy and was also supported by the Visigoths. His entourage was in fact composed by Gallic officials and Visigothic troops. At his arrival, Avitus found the population exasperated by an harsh famine. The presence of the Visigothic allies was not tolerated, and Avitus was forced to send them away. In order to dismiss them, he needed money. However, there was no gold in the imperial treasures. Consequently, Avitus ordered to destroy bronze statues and decorations, and to sell them to the merchants in the city in order to distribute some gold coins to the barbarians. This decision roused the Senate and the Roman population to the revolt, since they were again robbed of the adornments of their city. This time, however, a Roman emperor, instead of a barbarian king, outrageously insulted Rome, her monuments (ornatus civitatis) and his people. Avitus was considered unworthy of the imperial dignity. Majorian and Ricimer also rose in rebellion. Avitus was attacked on the way to Gaul and forced to renounce to the throne. Probably, this episode also influenced the fourth Novella of Emperor Majorian (July 11th 458). Inspired by the conservative faction of the Roman aristocracy, Majorian stressed again the importance of the adornments of the city (ornatus civitatis) as a symbol of the dignity of Rome. The Novella can be interpreted as a political and cultural response to Geiseric's and Avitus's impiety. On the other hand, after Avitus's insult to the Roman majesty prophecies on the decline were spread again across the empire. They probably aroused in the same political group of the conservative faction in the Roman Senate. A century later, in the cultural milieu of Constantinopolitan bureaucracy, John Lydus still linked Avitus's decision to a prophecy on the fall of the empire preserved by the Libri Sibyllini. The same episode is narrated by John of Antioch's Historia Chroniké (composed at the beginning of Heraclius's reign), as he described the sequence of tragic events which followed the murder of Valentinian III and foretold the end of the Western Roman Empire. Source : Éditeur (via Cairn.info) |
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| Article en ligne | http://www.cairn.info/article.php?ID_ARTICLE=RHIS_174_0775 |
