Contenu du sommaire : Les politiques culturelles en Europe du Sud.

This article presents the evolution of cultural policies in Italy since the fascist period. In analysing either the Heritage and Museums domain or the Theatre and visual art sectors, it highlights the relationship between regulation and programming, which are rather centralized, and their effects throughout the territory, in a context marked by the growing role played by bcal and regional autonomies. Nowadays, this perspective is particularly crucial because of a Cultural Ministry reform consisting in agregating all the sectors traditionnally fragmented. Such a reform tends to give a first answer to the demands of federalism. The analyses concerning the actual situation are anything but definitive : the process of transformation is still at the beginning and it is facing a tradition of public intervention in the cultural sector which is very rigid and whose own roots go back to the History.

The Ministry of Culture, created in 1971, plays the major role in formulating and implementing the Greek cultural policies. This Ministry is highly centralized and, except for the Archeology Service, don't have any deconcentrated structures. The local authorities play an important role too as they have created, since 15 years, many cultural equipements. The major orientation of the Greek cultural policies has always been the protection of Cultural Heritage, because of the presence, throughout the territory, of many ancient monuments. The cultural decentralization has been defined as an other important orientation since the Socialist Governe- ments period. During the 1990s, a particular effort has been made towards specific cultural domains, such as Book, great projects (as Unifying of Athens Archeologie sites) or the creation of cultural networks.

The Portuguese cultural policy, if considered as a real political project (i.e. strategically coherent, conceptually defined and based on the correspondant administrative means) is a rather recent idea. After the brilliant ideological period of the post Revolution process, and the following one, marked by some confusion and hesitations, a real ministerial structure with its cultural programme have been created which domain is extended to all Portuguese cultural sectors. Such a project is largely inspired by the Jack Lang's model, even if it takes into account the critics expressed towards it. Its attempt is to break with a liberal policy logic without forgiving the economical dimensions of contemporary culture. In order to better understand such a situation, it is necessary to examine its historical roots and evaluate the effects of decades of political and cultural isolationnism, which has been rather recently eliminated through the process of European Integration.

Until the 20th century, one cannot consider that a real cultural policy exists in Spain. However, the spirit of the Lights of the 18h century has made possible a timid public intervention with the creation of several collections and the support of Royal Academies. During the HP century, the governmental action focuses on the Heritage protection and on a rather weak education policy which did not succeed in alphabetising more than 30 % of the adult population. The 20th century is marked by a lagging implementation of modern cultural policies, by the mediocrity, the centralism and the cultural weakness of 40 years of dictatorship, and then by the constitution of a democratic State highly decentralized, integrated to the European Union. In this context, cultural action, competition and identities preservation are stongly connected. The lack of modernity of the policy modelas well as the lack of coherent priorities of intervention both explain the incapacity to face the contemporary social needs, and the decreasing influence of cultural policies, particularly vis-a-vis other social policies.

The French National Front mayors, since their succès in 1995, have considered Culture as an essential domain of action. The case of Orange municipal library, where a contested "ideological re-balancing policy" has been implemented, shows the importance of Culture field for the Extreme-right, particularly for those who claim the New-Right ideological heritage. This one is represented, within the FN, by several personalities, such as Bruno Mégret, Jean-Yves Le GaU lou or Pierre Vial. This policy have to be distinguished from other FN cultural actions (such as folklore, presumed regional rooted culture) where a systematic budgeting restriction is put into effect. It is on the contrary marked by innovations and political ambition. Four processes are highlighted: a nationalization of municipal policies; apoliticization of local policy stakes; a de-ligi- timization of Culture professionals to the politicians benefit; a general politicization of Culture, and particularly for Reading domain, through a reactivation of ideological frameworks in afield which use to be pacified.

L'absence de normes ou de critères incontestables pour tracer les contours de l'art contemporain conduit logiquement à préférer au registre de l'identification celui de la légitimation. En conséquence, il s'agit d'analyser les réseaux et processus qui participent, ensemble ou séparément, à la reconnaissance de l'artiste et de son œuvre, et de saisir les conséquences de cette difficulté d'identifier l'artiste contemporain. Elles portent autant sur l'appréciation de la valeur des œuvres ou du rôle de l'artiste que sur la mise en place et la conduite des politiques plastiques au niveau local. À l'appui d'enquêtes de terrain en Région, il s'agit enfin de voir ce qu'un regard "par-le-bas" peut apporter de nouveau dans les débats et controverses qui marquent aujourd'hui les politiques en matière d'art contemporain. Après avoir tracé les contours des réseaux de l'art contemporain en Languedoc- Roussillon, cet article interroge la légitimation politique de l'art contemporain et, en retour, les registres spécifiques de légitimité que manipulent les rares élus qui mènent des politiques plastiques.

The contemporary issue of identity is related to the enthnocentric dimension of the cosmosys- tem, i.e. to the identification of the Nation and the State. National Identity is thus hardly separable from thepoliteian or statist identity, whereas ideological identities are related to a primary cosmosystemic step (statocentrism).On the contrary, the precedent of hellenic paradigm, which constitutes, more than a nation, a global anthropocentric system, reveals a multi-dimensional identity phenomenon : the National identity is primarily cultural, and thus clearly differs from State (polis) identity, which relates topoliteian and ideological identities. The dialogue between hellenic cosmosystem (anthropocentrism at a small scale) and its ethnocentric counterpart (anthropocentrism at a large scale) begins with Byzance and continue until the early 20th century. It is of high interest either for analysing the contemporary identity phenomenon in general or for the originality of the greek path from Society to National State, directly through hellenic anthropocentrism and not through Feudality any more.