Contenu du sommaire : Les Antillais en Europe

Among the different migratory movements to France, that of French West-Indians (Guadeloupe and Martinique) presents specific characteristics ; not only because it concerns black nationals but also because it involves the evolution of the authorities' behaviour towards the economic development of these two Caribbean islands. French West-Indian policy, originally initiated as a preliminary to the beginning of economic development and as a solution to the demographic problems of these societies, encouraged until the middle of the 70s, massive emigration of local workers unemployed at a time when foreign labour demand was one of the main stimulants of metropolitan economic expansion. In the face of these population flows both in the « employer » country and countries of « origin », the « migratory imperative », the initial option taken by the authorities, was to undergo a downward trend. Howewer, the priority given to the social and cultural insertion of the migrants and the stopping of « official » migration were to be promoted by the policy of left-wing government. Since March 1986 and the political change of government, a new appeal for mobility has been launched by the authorities in a climate of uncertainty.

The 1983 « Assises pour l'insertion des originaires des DOM-TOM en France », then the 1987 « Etats Généraux des Associations des Originaires d'Outre-Mer », are a turning point in the official policy towards these groups. Their specific problems were acknowledged, and the will to take them into account was expressed. But these conferences were also aimed at controlling claims and expectations which were up to then rejected. These claims corresponded to a reassertion of their identity and to their mobilization as a group, in reaction to their marginalization and their subsequent disillusions. This evolution, first observed in the field of labour and trade-union conflicts, shifted to group associations and expressions of cultural identity (dances, concerts, theater plays). It corresponded to a change in the socio-political strategies of the West Indians aimed at improving their insertion into French society. Class or occupational solidarities yielded group and community links, partly because of the inability and the reluctancy of trade-unions to take into account their specific claims. Thus cultural identity turned into a political instrument. Claims addressed to the government and to the « host society » were legitimated by the assertion that they were different from the other French people. However, this dynamic process is hindered by the social heterogeneity of the group, which is split between two different strategies (though they are sometimes, and somewhat paradoxically, pushed simultaneously) : that of integration into the Republic and that of difference based on group identity. But how long will that split last ?

Households and family patterns of Caribbean migrants in France should be compared to those of three different populations: first, to the non-migrants living in Guadeloupe, Martinique, Guyane or Reunion; second, to the other migrants in France; third, to the French population of comparable socio-economic status (mainly employees and workers). Only a threefold comparison can reveal which factors shape their family patterns: the persistance of West Indian socio-cultural patterns, in spite of emigration; the socio-economic characteristics specific to foreign minorities in France; the fact that West Indians and migrants from Guyane and Reunion are French citizens. Several indicators, mainly drawn from the census of 1982 are used: mean numbers of persons and of children per household, proportions of male-headed households, typology of households and families, relationship of each member of the household to the head. It is shown that cultural origins and French citizenship are more important. The migrants of West Indian or Reunionese origins are hardly comparable to the other foreign workers in France, at least as far as household and family patterns are concerned.

On January 1st 1986, an estimated 149 000 Surinam-born people were living in the Netherlands. Together with the number of live-born children still present in the Netherlands on January 1st 1986, of women born in Surinam, the population of Surinamese origin can be estimated 188 000. The number of persons originating from the Netherlands Antillean and living in the Netherlands at the same date amounts to 50 000, ofwhom 41 000 were born in the Netherlands Antilles. This implies that 1.6 % of the total population ofthe Netherlands is of Surinamese or Antillean origin. The number of live births in the Netherlands by Surinam-born women amounted to 4 200 in 1985, a crude birth rate of 28 per thousand. For the total population of the Netherlands the crude birth rate was 12. However this does not imply that the fertility of Surinam-born women in the Netherlands is more than twice that of all women in the Netherlands, since this difference can largely be accounted for by a difference in the age structure, as shown by the total fertility rate. This rate represents the number of children that would be born per 1 000 women if no mortality were to occur and the age-specific fertility rates of a specifiedfertility table were applicable. Measured in this way, the fertility levels are pretty close. For instance, the total fertility rate for women born in Surinam in the year 1985 is 1,990, just over 30 % higher than the rate for all women in the Netherlands (1,510). In previous years, this margin was even smaller; for 1977 it was only 4 %. In 1985, 800 children were born in the Netherlands of women born in the Netherlandese Antilles, corresponding to a total fertility rate of 1,430 per 1,000 of these women, 5 % lower than the total fertility rate of all women in the Netherlands. Compared to the fertility of Surinam women in the Netherlands, the fertility of the Antillean women was 30 % lower in 1985. The number of Surinam-born deaths in the Netherlands amounts to 400 in 1985. The age standardized death rate (using the total population ofthe Netherlands as the standard population) is 10.2 per 1 000, 20 % higher than that of the total population of the Netherlands. The age-standardized death rate of people born in the Netherlands: Antillese is 6.1 per thousand, which is 30 % lower than the death rate for the total population of the Netherlands. In 1985, 2 700 Surinam-born people in the Netherlands got married compared with persons born in the Netherlands Antillese. The age standardized marriage rate (Netherlands being the standard population) per 1 000 non-married persons of 15 years or over is 27.7 for Surinam-born people and 17.4 for Netherlands Antillean-born people, in both cases lower (20 % and 50 % respectively) than the marriage rate of the total population of the Netherlands. As a result ofexternal migration, 3 600 persons born in Surinam settled in the Netherlands in 1985, compared with 3 700 persons born in the Netherlands Antilles. As a result of nationality changes, 2 900 persons born in Surinam and living in the Netherlands obtained the Dutch nationality in 1985.

In the period 1970-1982 the Netherlands experienced a relatively heavy immigration of Surinamese, Turks and Moroccans. These three immigrant populations comprise the most important ethnic groups in the Netherlands. The development of their settlement patterns during the immigration period is described. Furthermore the paper explores to what extent general theories about ethnic residential differentiation are corroborated by the ethnic patterns in Dutch cities. On the basis of the literature four « theories » of ethnic residential differentiation are formulated. It is pointed out that three of these four « theories » contribute to our understanding of the existing ethnic patterns in Dutch cities, though they certainly do not fit perfectly. Only the fourth, most radical approach, can be definitely refuted. All the four theories neglect the demographic development of the autochtonous population, which seems however an important factor in the Dutch situation.

This paper aims at assessing whether the return migration policy of the Netherlands is likely to be successful or not, in view of the socio-economic and cultural characteristics of the West Indian migrants, whether they are living in the Netherlands or have returned to their home countries. First, the context of the out-migration is described, especially the push factors which prevailed in the 1970s and 1980s; the returns remained numerous throughout these decades. The sample survey conducted by the author, and the data collected by earlier researchers show that if the desire to return is generally high, it is positively correlated with age and the level of education. Social welfare in the Netherlands is also important. Those who have actually returned belong to the higher social strata of the migrant group; having a job in the West Indies matters much more to them than housing conditions. Psychological factors also interfere. In view of these data, it is concluded that the Netherlands should increase their financial contribution to the System of social welfare in the West Indies and even more so to the economic development of these islands.

In 1981 there were approximately 295 000 Caribbean born persons living in Britain and 211 000 in Canada. In addition there was a « second generation » of about 250 000 in Britain and 50 000 in Canada. Immigration from the Caribbean reached its peak in Britain in 1961 and in 1974 for Canada. The latter country was more selective in terms of education and includes a francophone group from Haiti. There is substantial residential segregation in the inner cities of London and Birmingham, but a greater degree of dispersion within Montreal and Toronto. There are growing problems of unemployment among Black youths, in both countries.

The 1983 Assises pour insertion des originaires des DOM-TOM en France then the 1987 Etats Généraux des Associations des Originaires Outre-Mer are turning point in the of fidai policy towards these groups Their specific problems were acknowledged and the will to take them into account was expressed But these conferences were also aimed at controlling claims and expectations which were up to then rejected These claims corresponded to reassertion of their identity and to their mobilization as group in reaction to their marginalization and their subsequent disillusions This evolution rst observed in the field of labour and trade-union conflicts shifted to group associations and expressions of cultural identity dances concerts theater plays It corresponded to change in the socio-political strategies of the West Indians aimed at improving their insertion into French society Class or occupational solidarities yielded group and community links partly because of the inability and the reluctancy of trade-unions to take into account their specific claims Thus cultural identity turned into apolitical instrument Claims addressed to the government and to the host society were legitimated by the assertion that they were different from the other French people However this dynamic process is hindered by the social hetero geneity of the group which is split between two different strategies though they are sometimes and somewhat paradoxically pushed simultaneously that of integration into the Republic and that of difference based on group identity But how long will that split last