Contenu du sommaire

Since one century, in the area of Lyon, there has been a coexistence and a succession of groups coming from varied national countries : Italian people from Piedmont, Spanish people from La Sierra of Carthaginian, Armenian people rescued from the genocide, Algerian people from Kabylia and Jewish Moroccan people who were introduced during the First World War and at last Turkish people from whom the recent and massive emergence is bringing to life again the processes that the previous generations lived through the waves of immigration that have already been sedimented. A part from the reducing approach of an immigration which is considered as an ordinary abstract puzzle of nationalities and the migration strictly apprehended in terms of quantified flux has the opportunity to understand a moving reality and identities in gradual change : thanks to their mobilities, the one of the concrete human groups, coming from demarcated territories who have, at some periods and for well-defined reasons, built long-lasting relations with the area of Lyon. The insertion in the suburbs (Venissieux, Vaulx-en-Velin, Decines...) and in the industrial districts of the town were not realized without any frictions. The conflictuel aspect that may appear with strength because it is located in the area of people and at the present time, conceals more often than not a culture of adaptability that builds up through molecular processes on a more individual method which is placed in everyday life and in the depth of the time. Bringing it up to date would be the duty of the social sciences, according to the values that have to create their humanity.

With the renewal of mass immigration to the United States, large numbers of immigrants have gone into business for themselves. Research on the Cuban immigrant economy of Miami, Florida found that employment in the « ethnic enclave » increases immigrant earnings and improves immigrant's chances of moving into self-employment. This article reviews the American debate that ensued over the « ethnic enclave » and its causes.

Up until 1989, the number of asylum seekers increased at the same time that the length of OFPRA's decision-making process lengthened. Since then, there has been a reduction in length of the process and at the same time a decrease in the number of asylum seekers. As a matter of fact, the number greatly decreased following the suppression of automatic work privileges for asylum seekers. Reducing the length of the decision making process allows not only to improve the lot of the refugees, but to reduce the number of asylum seekers by dissuading the authors of unjustified requests. Although this kind of dissuasion can be qualified as positive, a detailed analysis by nationality shows that asylum seekers do not make up a homogeneous group, and that any decrease in the number of requests not only comes from this single positive dissuasive approach. Other stricter elements of the French policy towards asylum seekers, some of which could hinder the real possibilities for asylum, have played an important role, a role that is, however, difficult to quantify.

Today one of the most worrying problems in Japan is undoubtedly the presence of foreign workers and particularly the presence of underground workers. The decision from the authorities to refuse the entry to the foreign workers without any professional skills, was confirmed by a set of rules concerning the status of stay that closes to them the entry into the country. The enforcements of the laws are not always consistent but they disclose a typical aspect of the Japanese community. This article analyzes the condition of the foreign workers in Japan then it looks into the effects of these regulations. As a conclusion I tackle the problems to which Japan may have to face at this present juncture of the international movement of the man-power.

In 1973, a part of public opinion in France has been characterized by the come back of a xenophobia feeling. Economic difficulties and hunger merited from the decolonisation gave birth to racists acts whom the Algerian community was the principal target. The Circulaire Fontanet being useful to close migration movments gave big reactions of immigrants in the beginning of 1973. Demonstrations, going on hunger strike declenched a political discussion about the settlement of strangers in France. During the summer time, racists incidents followed one after the other, especially in the south. After the punitive raid against the Arabs in the city of Grasse and the Paris riots in June ; it was the murder of a tram driver by an Algerian who set fire on the opinion. A series of crimes against Maghrebians immigrants intensely grew. The already heavy atmosphere became irrespirable because racists declarations of some newspapers or associations. The incidents became so serious that the Algerian Government stopped the emigration towards France. The attempt against the Algerian Consulate in Marseille has been the last event of this racist blaze. The Police, the Government and traditionnal politics partis were accused of passivity. The extreme left partis and Christians associations helped the immigrants meanwhile the extreme right side of the Nation continued to be excited. These tragic events heralded the racist tendancy of the French society during the eighties.

The period of the Gulf War mobilized the French opinion and could have been seen as a moment of crystallization of the particularist positions of the Jewish and Arab populations. This item intends to analyze these positions in a shopping space: the space of the « Goutte d'Or ». In this district which has been welcoming immigrant populations since one century, Jews and Arabs are in touch for economic exchanges and for collaboration and are living through situations of separation that are coming from the business of bazaar which is the characteristic of the « Souk » in North Africa. This system of social relations serves as an explanatory frame to the reactions of the shopkeepers and of the inhabitants of the « Goutte d'Or » district during the Gulf War. They prove, on the whole, moderation and reserve. However they express themselves differently according to the place that the different groups are occupying in the socio-economic space and according to their respective relations with the French nation.

The migration to South Saharian in Western Africa is one of the old and important components of the contemporary Lebanese emigration. Started in the XIXth Century at the beginning of the 80s and knew a decrease between 1960 and 1970 because of the africanization policies that were followed in some greeting countries but it has been accelerating since 1975 at the beginning of the wars in Lebanon, while the destination countries are changing. Just before the african independences, the number of emigres went up from 40 000 to 75 000 in 1970 and was around 150 000 in the mid 80s. The economical status of the emigres moved, from ordinary wheel of the slave trade to an active element of the diversification of the contemporary economies. This emigration which was at the beginning temporary and once ended the emigres tried to go home in order to settle down, change of nature because of the Lebanese wars. There are more and more « returns » to Europe and to Nothern America. This tendency may increase the problem of the exodus of the Lebanese skills.

The role of women during the « grande emigrazione »from Italy at the end of the century needs to be studied from two different angles. First it is necessary to identity what was preserved and what evolved in the societies that were left behind after the departure of the menfolk. The temporary and seasonal exodus of the latter meant that the families and the local communities were often almost entirely made up of women. Second, it is necessary to describe the role played by the women who emigrated abroad, and therefore to look at the conditions they met with in the foreign countries where they arrived alone, or as wives, daughters and mothers. These two aspects of the relationship between gender and migration are dealt with in this article, which reflects the current debate in Italy on the subject.