Contenu du sommaire : Varia

The Retail Sector and Sunday Shopping. The Origins of a 45-Year-Old Controversy
Whether shops should be allowed to open on Sundays is a controversial topic that recurs periodically in public debate. While historians are very familiar with the labour movement's struggle to make Sunday a day of rest, nobody has ever studied the origins of this debate in its present form. In the late 1960s, the rise of the retail sector – and especially large furniture retailers – exacerbated the difficulties enforcing legislation that contained a large number of derogations and exceptions. This paper aims to study the various roles of trade organisations, along with the changing and complex stance of the public authorities, notably the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Commerce, Ministry of Labour, and their administrations, seeking to stamp out inflation by modernising trade and thus defending deregulation of Sunday shopping.

The Welfare State, Bureaucratic Rationalisation and Social Benefits : Questioning the “Efficiency” of Social Security Offices and their Staff (1945-1980s). This paper investigates the notion of “efficiency” and financial and management indicators to assess the success or failures of Social Security offices and their staff during the heyday of the Welfare State, from 1945 to the 1980s. In this context, local Social Security offices had to register new beneficiaries, implement a certain degree of social justice through revenue redistribution, while also maintaining a financial balance between contributions and expenses. Based mainly on an analysis of first-hand accounts from a cohort of former Social Security employees, this research paper aims to cast light on the obstacles that these institutions faced, as well as their assets, in completing their mission. Social Security staff played a decisive role in many respects. They were able to overcome structurally limited productivity thanks to substantial dedication to their tasks. In particular, they successfully gave social benefit programmes a “human face”, at least until financial imbalances forced these offices to cut back on overheads.

What Memory for Soldiers of the First World War from Alsace and Lorraine ?
In studying the First World War in France, soldiers from Alsace and Lorraine hold a special place. Unlike those from other regions, the vast majority of soldiers from Alsace and Lorraine fought for the other side, within the German Army, before becoming French after 1918. A century later, the general public has largely forgotten this singularity, with such soldiers being assimilated to the national figure of the “Poilu”, or First World War infantryman. When they are not merely forgotten, such soldiers are remembered as men forced to wear the German uniform to fight against their true homeland, France. However, recent historiography, as well as projects carried out as part of the First World War centenary, now tend to give a more nuanced view of this national interpretation of their wartime experience. Nevertheless, we can wonder why and how this image became set in the nation's memory. This is what we endeavour to analyse in this paper, by attempting to trace this constructed memory back to its origins and to follow how it has evolved until today.

The French Communist Party and French Contingent Soldiers during the Algerian War : Favour Insubordination or Accept Mobilisation ?Around 40 “refusing soldiers” from the ranks of the French Communist Party (PCF) became known for their refusal to fight during the Algerian War, between the years 1956 and 1959. This act of insubordination, for which most of them had to serve two years in prison, was nevertheless contrary to the Leninist vulgate, which called for Communists to fight alongside their comrades sent into combat. One young Communist broke with this rule, and after being disavowed for a year, was supported by a campaign by the PCF and its satellite organisations, with some militants then encouraged to follow his example, until Secretary General Maurice Thorez expressly recommended that this action be suspended. These hesitations and turnabouts received various reactions in the ranks of the PCF, often bitterly, and also indicated certain dissensions at the top of the party apparatus. Then, a heavy silence fell over the destiny of these militants. Their actions, and the erratic orders of their party, remain a source of tension between veterans when they sometimes speak about this subject.

The Labour Movement and Peronism (1943-1955) : A Reinterpretation
This paper aims to contribute to a reinterpretation of the relationship between the Peronist government and the labour movement. The research focuses on the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), the only labour union for Argentinian workers. Our hypothesis challenges traditional theses and aims to establish and provide evidence for several arguments. Firstly, we will endeavour to show that the political dialectic at work between the government and the CGT was never interrupted during this period. Secondly, we will endeavour to challenge the thesis that the CGT was part of the state, as well as the thesis that it was entirely controlled by the upper political spheres of Peronism.

The Concept of Work Challenged by Unemployment. Productive and Solidarity Activities within Argentinian Piqueteros Movements (1990s-2000s)During the 1990s, the world of work in Argentina underwent upheavals due to changes in the economic regime and a process of acute social polarisation. Labour movements came into being, notably led by unemployed workers known as piqueteros. The first part of this paper focuses on the socio-political context that resulted in this sharp increase in precarious living conditions for workers. It also analyses the role of the state and of these organisations themselves in developing new social policies. The second part analyses “solidarity” activities (including canteens, snacks for children, etc.) as well as “productive” activities (vegetable gardens, bakeries, woodworking workshops, etc.) that were set up, enabling us to grasp the transformation affecting residents and their own surroundings. These little-known activities prompted a circulation of skills and the genesis of new working and participative capacities.

The Catalan Admirers of Étienne Cabet : Republicans and Communists in Barcelona, 1838-1856Between 1838 and 1856, Étienne Cabet exerted a very strong influence on Republicans and Communists in Barcelona. This paper analyses the political culture and actions of these groups in their relations with contemporary French politics, against a backdrop of the social effects of the Industrial Revolution in Catalonia and during a time when radical ideas were not exempt from religious dimensions. Republican Abdon Terradas and Communist Narcis Monturiol are particularly interesting in analysing these cultural and intellectual transfers of ideas from Cabet to Barcelona and seeking to understand better the political movements that were active there.