Contenu du sommaire : Turquie : vers un nouvel empire ?

Understanding the regime that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is building goes through that of the inheritance of Ottoman reformism and Kemalist ruptures, which led to a system of controlled democracy in the second half of the 20th century. The AKP came to power in 2002 wanting to reconnect Turkey with its Muslim culture and to bring it to a more genuine democracy, but this experience turned short and the rule of law is becoming increasingly precarious.

The AKP's trajectory in fifteen years of power, from moderate reformist right-wing party to conservative Islamist party, was strongly influenced by that of its leader, Tayyip Erdoğan. The aborted coup in 2016 gave the latter a new opportunity to strengthen its hold on the state, still with the support of about half of the votes. It is necessary to clarify the sociological and historical reasons for this support of the new Turkey strong man in his flight towards an elective autocracy.

A remarkable originality in the Muslim world, the Fethullah Gülen movement is a nebula combining Islam, Sufism, Turkish nationalism and missionary spirit and has greatly contributed to spreading Turkish influence throughout the world. The brotherhood gradually drifted into excessive politicization in the form of intense co-operation, then a violent break with Erdogan's power, which eventually foreshadows his end in Turkey but not necessarily abroad, where it is likely to persist.

Democracy in Turkey is taking an authoritarian turn, political and intellectual freedoms are destroyed and the rule of law threatened. Is this part of a historical continuity or is it a break with the old regime, the secular Republic? All leads to think that Turkey is failing in its bid for a pluralistic, political Islam and returning to a logic of radicalization, while joining the global trends of the neo-populist movements.

In fifteen years under the AKP leadership, Turkey has shifted from being a marginal contributor to the international arena to that of power. As an essential partner in a number of multilateral projects, it has become a key player in the Middle East. But its soft power strategy has been severely tested by new conflicts declared in the wake of the Arab Springs. Turkey must now assume the responsibilities and embarrassments of power with the disintegration of its traditional alliances in the background.

On 15 July 2016, a coup d'État was attempted in Turkey against State institutions, including the government and President Erdoğan. This endeavor was carried out by a faction within the Turkish Armed Forces. Events surrounding the coup attempt and the purges in its aftermath reflect a complex power struggle between Islamists in Turkey.

The attractiveness of the Turkish economy to foreign investors is essential for maintaining a growth regime based on the expansion of domestic demand. Since the 2001 crisis, this attractiveness has improved at first but has been deteriorating after 2008. Understanding this evolution requires, in addition to an economic analysis, an approach integrating political and geopolitical factors.

Turkey, the world's biggest prison for journalists, has been led since 2003 by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a politician labeled « press freedom predator » by RSF. However, the record number of journalists in jail is only half the story. Within ten years, Erdoğan has built a sophisticated carrot and stick policy to shape a narrative for the general public. Having neutralized the opposition with mass prosecutions and seizure of assets, he created a personal media empire run by his family, a vast pro-government media network, and domesticated the mainstream media groups by granting public bids.

Since its foundation, especially since the end of the bipolar world, Turkey is crossed by identity, religious and ethnic divides preventing the establishment of a pacified society. Among the thorniest, the « Kurdish question » has known contradictory developments over the last fifteen years, from the liberal policies of the AKP government to its return to a militaristic and repressive position, especially after 2015.

Pictorially speaking, Eugene Delacroix never recovered from his stay in Morocco. In his Travel Reports, he sketches many “Arabs”: warriors, camel-drivers, shopkeepers, but never women, since they are veiled. Yet, in this picture, Jew women pose for him. The 1839 canvas is a guide to investigate into the historical and human establishment of this community in Morocco.