Contenu du sommaire : Frontières, ressources et espaces transfrontaliers dans les Afriques
Revue | L'Espace Politique |
---|---|
Numéro | no 49-50, 2023/1-2 |
Titre du numéro | Frontières, ressources et espaces transfrontaliers dans les Afriques |
Texte intégral en ligne | Accessible sur l'internet |
Frontières, ressources et espaces transfrontaliers dans les Afriques
- Frontières, ressources, et espaces transfrontaliers dans les Afriques - Hugo Mazzero, Leila Oulkebous
Ressources naturelles et dynamiques (trans)frontalières
- L'activité minière artisanale dans l'ouest du Kenya : entre dynamiques locales & dynamiques transfrontalières - Joseph Bohbot Cet article met en lumière la particularité du comté de Kakamega, à l'Ouest du Kenya, dans le cadre des nouvelles ruées vers l'or en Afrique subsaharienne. Bien que situé à proximité de l'Ouganda et de la Tanzanie, le cas de Kakamega souligne des dynamiques nationales et locales propres au Kenya concernant l'autochtonie et l'accès à la ressource, ici aurifère. L'essor de l'orpaillage artisanal depuis 2017 est le fait de résidents locaux installés sur des terres privées. Seuls les techniques, l'outillage et l'or semblent traverser les frontières et inscrire cette zone d'orpaillage dans des dynamiques transfrontalières. L'article est organisé en deux parties, la première traite de dynamiques nationales et locales dans l'organisation de l'orpaillage et la seconde est centrée sur les circulations de manière à mettre en lumière ce contraste. Ce travail s'appuie sur des entretiens qualitatifs, de l'observation et de la documentation photographique réalisés durant deux périodes distinctes entre février et mai, en 2022 et en 2023 dans un espace allant du comté de Migori au comté de Kakamega.This article highlights the specificity of Kakamega County – Western Kenya - in the context of the new gold rushes in Sub-Saharan Africa. Although Kakamega County shares borders with Tanzania and Uganda, it is characterized by national and local dynamics very specific to Kenya regarding indigenousness and access to the gold resource. The rise of artisanal gold mining since 2017 has been driven by local residents living on private land. Only techniques, tools and gold seem to cross borders and inscribe this artisanal gold mining area in cross-border dynamics. This article is a continuation of the research conducted on new gold rushes and, more broadly, artisanal mining activities in Sub-Saharan Africa since the early 2000s, both in the Francophone scientific sphere (Grätz, 2004; Dessertine, 2016; Grégoire and Gagnol, 2017; Chevrillon-Guibert, Gagnol, Magrin, 2019; Bolay, 2021) and in the Anglophone sphere (Hinton, Veiga, 2003; Siegel and Vega, 2009; Hilson, 2013; Hilson and McQuilken, 2014; Verbrugge and Geenen, 2018). The novelty of this study work lies in its unique field of study compared to the usual areas impacted by gold rushes. Western Kenya is a densely populated region and not an uncontrolled desert periphery as in some parts of West Africa or the Sahelo-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, limited academic research has focused to date on Western Kenya, and specifically Kakamega County.Beyond mining activity itself, this article examines the dynamics of transborder movements of objects and techniques associated with artisanal mining. The methodology of this study is inspired by Armelle Choplin's work in West Africa on the journey of cement (Choplin, 2019) by following the path of objects destined for artisanal miners. Additionally, recent works by Matthieu Bolay and Yvan Schulz (Bolay, Schulz, 2022) help examine the gold sale circuits in Kenya within transnational dynamics, uncovering links with Switzerland and Dubai.This research primarily relies on qualitative surveys conducted between 2022 and 2023. The initial surveys consisted of directive interviews with about ten questions each, aimed at understanding the profile of artisanal miners in Kakamega County. This first series included 100 directive interviews, 39 with women and 61 with men. The second part of the qualitative survey, conducted in 2023, is based on 33 semi-directive qualitative interviews with both artisanal miners and institutional actors, such as the Ministry of Petroleum and Mines. Finally, photography was used to further analytically explore artisanal mining practices and the circulation of techniques and objects related to gold panning and mining.
- Du conflit à la gestion conjointe des ressources : enjeux pétroliers et coopération transfrontalière dans la baie de Biafra - Aimé Raoul Sumo Tayo Les approches réalistes des relations internationales établissent un lien causal entre les hydrocarbures et les conflits frontaliers. S'émancipant de ces lectures déterministes, cet article s'appuie sur du matériau produit au cours d'une enquête ethnographique sur l'insécurité au niveau de la façade maritime du Cameroun entre 2009 et 2022 pour analyser les enjeux de conflit et de coopération autour des ressources dans la baie de Biafra. L'analyse croisée des documents d'archives administratives et sécuritaires, des entretiens et la littérature spécialisée montre, entre 1960 et 2023, deux séquences successives où les ressources pétrolières et gazières maritimes, autrefois objets conflictuels sont devenus des facteurs de coopération transnationale. Cet article analyse également les déterminants de la multiplication des accords sur les zones d'exploitation conjointes dans la baie de Biafra. Il met en perspective, par exemple, le mauvais rôle qui est généralement attribué aux multinationales pétrolières. Les dynamiques décrites dans cet article rendent également compte des manifestations locales d'une dynamique globale de transformation en profondeur des frontières. Elles permettent surtout de sortir des approches militantes et victimaires de l'historiographie africaine des frontières et des lectures déterministes qui font des frontières des obstacles majeurs au développement, à la coopération internationale et à l'intégration régionale.The political ecology's approach to conflict emphasizes unequal resource access as a driver of border conflicts and civil wars. Like realists' theories of international relations, it establishes a causal link between hydrocarbons, border conflicts, and petrol violence. Contrary to these deterministic readings, this article analyzes the issues of conflict and cooperation around marine energy resources in the Bay of Biafra. This research data was produced during an ethnographic survey on insecurity on Cameroon's seafront between 2009 and 2022. These are administrative and security archival documents and documents, interviews with officials from the Border Research Unit of the Cameroonian Ministry of Territorial Administration, and various reports from national oil companies and Extractive Industries Transparency Initiatives in Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, and Nigeria, as well as the various treaties on Joint Development Zones. The cross-analysis of the data produced makes it possible to historicize the role of energy resources in the dynamics of conflict and cooperation in the Bay of Biafra. Between 1960 and 2023, there were two successive sequences in which maritime oil and gas resources, once objects of conflict, became factors of transnational cooperation. After describing this area's oil and gas potential and analyzing the determinants of maritime border conflicts that have occurred there, this article shows that the presence of hydrocarbons has been at the heart of the territorialization of the Bay of Biafra national maritime areas. Before the 2000s, the conflict dynamics around hydrocarbons in this area were linked to the low territorialization of marine spaces, particularly to the overlap of continental shelves and the general configuration of national coasts (concavity, inflections, and presence of islands). The discovery of resources in disputed spaces has opened Pandora's box of border conflicts. Fueled by multinational oil companies, Great powers, and local predatory regimes, these conflicts have manifested in a spectrum ranging from legal battles to war, incursions, and various incidents. However, since 2001, despite difficulties in delimitating national maritime borders, energy resources have become factors of transnational cooperation and a challenge for stabilizing national naval areas. The territorialization of the Bay of Biafra's maritime spaces has opened windows of opportunity that lead to agreements on Joint Development Zones, pending the signing of final agreements. The international context, resource geography, and economic considerations influenced this cooperative dynamic. In addition, multinational oil companies, which have been accused of exacerbating tensions between oil-producing countries in the Bay of Biafra, are increasingly encouraging Treaties on the joint development of cross-border oil and gas fields. Finally, security problems, primarily maritime piracy, have forced the States of the subregion to cooperate and implement integrated responses to secure their interests at sea. This article puts into perspective, for example, the lousy role attributed to oil multinationals. The dynamics described also illustrate the local manifestations of a global dynamic of in-depth transformation of borders. They make it possible to move away from the militant and victim-based approaches of African historiography of borders and from the deterministic readings that make borders significant obstacles to development, international cooperation, and regional integration.
- Espace de coopération transfrontalière Sourou (Burkina Faso-Mali), une territorialité construite autour de l'eau et de l'histoire des relations sociales - Yahaya Sankara, Lassané Yaméogo, Tanga Pierre Zoungrana La problématique de la gestion consensuelle des ressources en eau transfrontalière apparaît comme un impératif pour les États ouest-africains, au regard de l'historicité des frontières post-coloniales et des conflictualités d'usages des ressources de part et d'autre de la frontière. Elle induit de multiples enjeux pour la gestion intégrée des ressources en eau et la préservation de la biodiversité. De part et d'autre de la frontière Burkina Faso-Mali, l'exploitation des ressources en eau du cours d'eau Sourou, implique de nombreux acteurs et différents usages. Entre usage pour l'agriculture, l'élevage, la pêche ou l'alimentation en eau potable, le partage de l'eau ne se fait pas sans difficulté entre acteurs aux intérêts divergents. Pour y faire face, un comité transfrontalier de gestion intégrée des ressources en eau du bassin est mis en place par les deux États. Dans la pratique cet accord a servi de cadre pour lancer une initiative de coopération transfrontalière entre les collectivités territoriales riveraines du cours d'eau Sourou. Cette situation, interroge la manière dont la gestion concertée des ressources en eau transfrontalières participe à la construction d'un espace de coopération et, comment s'organise la gouvernance d'un tel espace. L'objectif principal de la présente étude est d'analyser le rôle que jouent les ressources en eau dans la construction des territorialités transfrontalières à partir de l'exemple de l'interface Burkina-Mali. La méthodologie a mobilisé une revue de la littérature sur les dynamiques transfrontalières et les communs, ainsi que des entretiens avec des acteurs transfrontaliers et des enquêtes auprès des populations. Les résultats permettent d'appréhender le processus de territorialisation à partir de la gestion des ressources en eau dans les zones frontalières.The issue of consensual management of transboundary water resources has become imperative for West African states, given the historical nature of post-colonial borders and conflicting uses of resources on both sides of the border. It poses many challenges to the integrated management of water resources and the protection of biodiversity. Downstream and upstream of the Burkina-Mali border, the Sourou River crosses both states in its north-western part, and the exploitation of the river's water resources involves numerous stakeholders and various uses on both sides of the border. Whether used for agriculture, livestock farming, fishing, or supplying drinking water, the distribution of water has not always been a pleasant affair between stakeholders with divergent interests. In response, a cross-border committee for joint management of the basin's water resources has been set up by both states. In concrete terms, this agreement has served as a framework for launching a cross-border cooperation initiative between the local authorities bordering the Sourou River. This situation raises the issue of how concerted management of transboundary water resources contributes to the construction of a cooperative area, and how the management of such an area is organized. The main objective of this study is to analyze the role played by water resources in the construction of cross-border territorialities, using the Burkina-Mali interface as an example. The methodology involved a review of the literature on cross-border dynamics and the commons as well as interviews with cross-border stakeholders, and surveys conducted among local populations. The results provide an insight into the process of territorialization based on water resource management in border areas. Indeed, the first level of results shows that joint management of water resources has been a strong incentive for activating cross-border cooperation in the Sourou area. Many factors have contributed to this cooperation. These include the hydraulic developments carried out in Burkina Faso at the junction of the Sourou and Mouhoun rivers, which have led to an increase in the volumes of water in the Malian part of the Sourou. In addition, there are the environment and exploitation constraints of the basin's resources and the prospects for watershed development in the Malian part.The second level deals with the historic nature of social relations in the Sourou basin, marked by a territorialization/deterritorialization of space around water from pre-colonial times to the present day. Finally, the local border authorities in the watershed area have seized this opportunity to cooperate by setting up a local cross-border grouping known as “Groupement local de coopération transfrontalière C10Sourou” (GLCT/C10Sourou), which is structured around 10 border municipalities, including 4 on the Burkina Faso side and 6 in Mali, and has legal status and financial autonomy. Under the group's leadership, development initiatives are being implemented in the area.This grouping is structured around 10 border communes, including 4 on the Burkina Faso side and 6 in Mali, and has legal personality and financial autonomy. To this end, development actions are being implemented in this area, under the leadership of the group.
- L'activité minière artisanale dans l'ouest du Kenya : entre dynamiques locales & dynamiques transfrontalières - Joseph Bohbot
Intégrations régionales et cadre de la coopération transfrontalière
- Ressources naturelles partagées et enjeux de gouvernance transfrontalière en Afrique de l'Ouest - Mohamadou Mountaga Diallo, Bakary Sanou L'analyse s'intéresse à la relation frontières-ressources naturelles partagées prenant en compte le contexte des changements environnementaux dans deux zones transfrontalières situées en Afrique de l'Ouest. La région est fortement concernée aussi bien par la question des frontières que celle des changements climatiques dans un contexte de croissance démographique et de pression sur les ressources naturelles dans les zones frontalières. L'article repose sur la mobilisation de la littérature des border studies et la réalisation de nombreux entretiens semi-directifs auprès de divers acteurs. Ses résultats révèlent que les ressources naturelles constituent des supports de construction de territoires transfrontaliers dans le Kossi (Burkina Faso) - Tominian (Mali) et le Dendi-Ganda (Bénin-Niger-Nigéria) et favorisent la mise en place d'organismes locaux de coopération transfrontalière comme le Groupement local de coopération transfrontalière et le Cadre de concertation transfrontalière. Ces structures, à travers leur fonctionnement, articulent les échelles communautaires (convention de l'Union Africaine sur la coopération transfrontalière), bilatérale (accord-cadre bilatéral de coopération transfrontalière), transfrontalière (convention locale transfrontalière de gestion des ressources naturelles) et nationale (politiques de gestion des frontières, code des collectivités territoriales). Elles constituent des instances dynamiques de gouvernance de leurs territoires transfrontaliers et en particulier des ressources naturelles partagées. Cependant, le caractère exogène de leurs financements et la faible institutionnalisation de la coopération transfrontalière ainsi que les questions politiques et réglementaires au niveau national constituent de véritables défis à leur pérennisation.The analysis focuses on the relationship between borders and shared natural resources, considering the context of environmental change in two cross-border areas in West Africa. The region is strongly affected by both borders and climate change, in a context of demographic growth and pressure on natural resources in border areas. The article is based on the mobilization of the literature of border studies differently treated based on a multidisciplinary approach. This contribution looks at natural resources, both as a means of delimiting borders and as a cause of border disputes between States. It also looks at scientific papers dealing with the issue of “cross-border governance of shared natural resources”, with the establishment of catchment management bodies in many cross-border areas in developing countries, in West Africa and Mesoamerica, and “territorial construction”.In addition to this extensive literature, the methodological approach encompasses empirical elements drawn from semi-directive interviews conducted between August 2021 and February 2022 in the two areas and at national level with stakeholders involved in the governance of cross-border regions. The interviews focused on the operation and actions of the LCCA and the CCF, the challenges associated with the use of natural resources, the management of environmental change and the sustainability of cross-border governance arrangements. Lastly, the methodology is also based on participatory observations that provide a better understanding of certain processes linked to cross-border territoriality, the use of natural resources and potential conflicts.The findings show that natural resources are segments of construction of cross-border territories in the Kossi (Burkina Faso) - Tominian (Mali) and Dendi-Ganda (Benin-Niger-Nigeria) regions and favour the establishment of local cross-border cooperation bodies such as the Local Cross-border Cooperation Association (LCCA) and the Cross-border Consultation Framework (CCF). Through their operation, these bodies structure the community level (African Union convention on cross-border cooperation), the bilateral level (bilateral framework agreement on cross-border cooperation), the cross-border level (local cross-border agreement on natural resource management) and the national level (border management policies, decentralisation, and local governments act). They serve as dynamic bodies for the governance of their cross-border regions including shared natural resources. However, the exogenous nature of their funding and the low level of institutionalisation of cross-border cooperation, as well as political and regulatory issues at national level, represent real challenges to their sustainability.
- La mise en œuvre de l'intégration régionale en zones frontalières dans la Communauté Économique et Monétaire de l'Afrique Centrale (CEMAC) - Poliny Ndong Beka II Cet article porte sur le processus d'intégration régionale dans la Communauté Économique et Monétaire de l'Afrique Centrale (CEMAC). Cet espace communautaire présente un retard en matière de libre circulation des personnes, des biens et des services vis-à-vis des autres intégrations régionales sur le continent. Pour y remédier, la CEMAC a entrepris l'élaboration de plusieurs cadres institutionnels (traités, protocoles, déclaration, etc.), dont les finalités sont de parvenir à un démantèlement des frontières entre États membres et à un approfondissement des coopérations transfrontalières. Dès lors, cette contribution a pour ambition de vérifier la mise en œuvre concrète de ces cadres institutionnels censés favoriser le développement des coopérations transfrontalières. L'hypothèse énoncée est que les régions frontalières participent à la matérialisation de ces dynamiques. Cela explique le choix de la province gabonaise du Woleu-Ntem, située au nord du Gabon, et de la région Sud du Cameroun. Ces deux entités territoriales distinctes partagent une frontière commune, qui sépare le Gabon du Cameroun. La méthodologie utilisée repose sur la combinaison d'un corpus documentaire (articles scientifiques et de presse, rapports officiels), de l'observation de terrain et des entretiens – avec les fonctionnaires, les élus locaux, la population frontalière, les commerçants et les routiers.This article examines the process of regional integration in the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC). CEMAC lags behind other regional organisations on the continent in terms of the free movement of people, goods and services. To remedy this situation, CEMAC has developed a number of institutional frameworks (treaties, protocols, declarations, etc.) aimed at removing borders between Member States and deepening cross-border cooperation. The objective of this contribution is to verify the practical implementation of these institutional frameworks, which are supposed to foster the development of cross-border cooperation. The hypothesis put forward is that border regions participate in the materialisation of these dynamics. This explains the choice of the northern Gabonese province (Woleu-Ntem) and the southern region of Cameroon. These distinct territorial entities share a common border separating Gabon from Cameroon. This is why this study is part of the border studies framework. The methodology used is based on a combination of documentary research, field observation and semi-structured interviews conducted between July and September 2022. The results identify the border not as a barrier, but rather as an area of resources from which many players (states, local authorities, border residents) benefit. In addition to the field survey, we drew on a number of previous studies to arrive at this result. Research by Oyaya (2001) focuses on the a-spatial dimension of customs union theory and the marginalisation of regional realities. Next, Tsafack Nanfossi and Tamba (2003) examine the driving forces behind economic integration in Central Africa. Nguema Engo (2007) then looks at the initiatives taken by border towns to promote the well-being of resident populations and improve relations between border localities. Loungou (2010) and Zogo Nkada (2011) then examine the free movement of people in the CEMAC area. The first analyses the differences between Member States on this issue, with countries that are reluctant (Gabon and Equatorial Guinea) and those that are in favour (Cameroon, Congo, Central African Republic and Chad). The second is a comparative study of the state of construction of free movement between CEMAC and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). This is subject to numerous obstacles in CEMAC, whereas it is effective in ECOWAS. Finally, the work of Boudzanga (2013) highlights the resistance of the central powers in Gabon and Cameroon to the virtuous decentralisation process. In the first part, the article outlines the foundations of regional integration: its specific features and the factors that contribute to its development. The second part, on the other hand, contributes to the analysis of these different issues, between the elements that contribute to the strengthening of cross-border cooperation and the obstacles and brakes that obstruct its growth. Finally, the last part is devoted to demonstrating that the border is a resource for border regions and the State. For this reason, attraction mechanisms are designed to seize this resource.
- Ressources naturelles partagées et enjeux de gouvernance transfrontalière en Afrique de l'Ouest - Mohamadou Mountaga Diallo, Bakary Sanou
Circulation des acteurs et des ressources dans des espaces transfrontaliers
- Territorialisation transfrontalière entre Brazzaville et Kinshasa : des ressources marchandes à la frontière ressource - Clémence Auzary Cet article propose une lecture des échanges de ressources marchandes entre Brazzaville et Kinshasa comme faisant partie d'un processus de territorialisation transfrontalière. Il analyse les différents espaces de passage à une échelle intra-urbaine et comment l'exercice concret du pouvoir y est différencié spatialement. Il s'appuie d'abord sur des études géographiques et historiques anciennes pour montrer comment la division coloniale du territoire a à la fois produit la frontière et différencié des centres du pouvoir d'espaces marginaux sur les rives du fleuve où la frontière est particulièrement poreuse. Il décrit ensuite à partir d'observations et d'entretiens menés à Brazzaville en 2022 différents lieux transfrontaliers et en dresse une typologie à partir du degré et du mode de concrétisation du pouvoir de l'État dans chacun d'eux. La configuration spatiale originale de Brazzaville et Kinshasa, deux centres politiques séparés par un fleuve explique une géographie de l'exercice du pouvoir à la frontière très contrastée à une échelle intra-urbaine, qui permet d'expliquer le paradoxe historique de la récurrence des conflits entre les pouvoirs publics et de la continuité des coopérations entre les populations. Le couple conflit-coopération s'articule d'une manière différenciée selon les lieux de traversée et les ressources marchandes qui y sont échangées.Relations between Brazzaville and Kinshasa are caught in a permanent paradox of conflicts and cooperation, from the point of view of both states and populations. They have been studied through the lens of the history of the cities' construction, of the cultural links between the riverbanks, and by the prism of specific cross-border trade channels. This article tackles this paradox with a geographical approach, by studying the spatial differentiation of exchanges between the two cities along the riverbanks. It combines a historical approach to the colonial and post-colonial production of river spaces with a field survey carried out in Brazzaville in 2022 at various river crossing points, and scrutinizes diverse places of crossing at an intra-urban scale, emphasizing the tangible exercise of spatially differentiated power. It combines political geography, which sees territory as shaped by the outcome of the exercise of power and by various power dynamics, with border studies. Drawing initially upon former historical and geographical studies, the article illustrates how the colonial division of territory not only delineated the border but also demarcated power centers from marginal spaces along the riverbanks, where the border is notably porous. It proposes a typology of cross-border spaces in Brazzaville, based on observations and interviews carried out on the banks of the river. Concretely, the exercise of power involves the material infrastructure allowing navigation and the practices of state agents, which are the base of the typology. These differences in the exercise of power are analyzed in terms of spatial distribution of the response to the needs of the State to maintain itself : the assertion of its sovereignty and control of its border and the capacity of the population to meet its basic needs. A “topological” rather than “topographic” approach to power allows understanding the coexistence of central and marginal power structures within the same urban space. The paradox of territorialization arises from the spatially differentiated exercise of state power, creating spaces where the border is more or less tangible, exploitable, and leads to an alternative territorialization surpassing the limit between neighboring sovereignties. The unique spatial configuration of Brazzaville and Kinshasa, two political centers facing each other across the Congo River, allows to understand an exercise of power at the border that is highly contrasting at an intra-urban scale. This contrast aids in understanding the historical paradox of recurring conflicts between public authorities and the sustained cooperation among populations. The interplay of conflict and cooperation articulates differentially depending on the crossing points and the resources exchanged therein. The border between Brazzaville and Kinshasa provides a unique spatial setup to examine conflicts and cooperation in a post-colonial context, focusing on traded goods as resources that turn the border itself into a spatial resource.
- Processus de marchandisation de la faune sauvage, tensions et conflits dans le parc transfrontalier du Grand Limpopo (parc national Kruger en Afrique du Sud et parc national du Limpopo au Mozambique) - Hugo Mazzero Dans cet article, nous analysons les conséquences de la coprésence d'acteurs variés (populations locales, acteurs de la conservation, touristes) au sein du parc du Grand Limpopo en termes d'utilisation de l'espace et des ressources, en l'occurrence la faune sauvage. L'article porte plus précisément sur les liens de coopération et les relations transfrontalières entre le parc national Kruger en Afrique du Sud et le parc national du Limpopo au Mozambique, deux parcs nationaux contigus qui font l'objet d'un processus de conservation transfrontalière (parc du Grand Limpopo) à partir de 2002. L'objectif de l'article est de mettre en perspective différents processus de marchandisation de la faune sauvage (tourisme de vision, mode de production conservationniste, braconnage), et d'analyser dans quelle mesure ces processus sont, à la fois, un révélateur et un amplificateur des tensions et des conflits qui existent entre les catégories d'acteurs de part et d'autre de la frontière entre l'Afrique du Sud et le Mozambique. Après avoir exposé des éléments d'analyse sur les forts contrastes qui existent entre les deux parcs nationaux en termes de développement et de densité faunistique ; nous proposons une typologie des catégories d'acteurs en présence pensées en fonction de différents rapports à la faune sauvage. Enfin, l'article analyse les tensions et les conflits qui résultent de la diversité des logiques et des pratiques spatiales questionnant la pérennité du processus de conservation transfrontalière en cours. Cette recherche propose une analyse conjointe des dynamiques liées aux frontières et aux politiques de conservation en s'appuyant notamment sur des données empiriques. Nous nous basons sur des données issues d'enquêtes sur le terrain en Afrique du Sud et au Mozambique, auprès de touristes dans le parc national Kruger (n = 135), de communautés locales dans le parc national Limpopo (n = 87), et de personnes liées à la gestion des parcs ou au secteur de la conservation (n = 15).In this paper, we analyze the consequences of the co-presence of various stakeholders within the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park regarding the use of space and resources, in this case wildlife. More specifically, the article focuses on the cooperative links and transboundary relations between Kruger National Park in South Africa and Limpopo National Park in Mozambique, two contiguous national parks that have been the subject of a transboundary conservation process (Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park) since 2002. The aim of this article is to put into perspective the different processes involved in the commodification of wildlife (observation tourism, conservationist mode of production, poaching), and to analyze the extent to which these processes both reveal and amplify tensions and conflicts between the stakeholders present on either side of the border between South Africa and Mozambique. The article follows on from the critical work that has been produced on the Great Limpopo Park, such as Bocchino's and Guyot's research on the influence and domination of South Africa in the process of cross-border cooperation; the work of Andersson et al. and Ferreira on the marginalization of populations living on the edge of parks, or the work of Lunstrum, Duffy et al., Büscher and Ramutsindela on poaching and the militarization of the park. Taking inspiration from Rodary's research on co-presence issues in protected areas, one of the contributions of this article is to integrate the animal question through relationships with wildlife, in order to address socio-economic inequalities and the effects of cross-border conservation policies. We draw on the rich literature of animal geographies, notably Barua's research on lively commodities and encounter value, Brockington and Scholfield's work on conservationist modes of production, Lorrimer and Chanteloup's on wildlife observation tourism and the charismatic dimension of certain animals. After presenting an analysis of the strong contrasts that exist between the national parks studied in terms of development and wildlife density, we propose a typology of stakeholders involved, based on different relationships to wildlife. Finally, the article analyzes the tensions and conflicts arising from the diversity of spatial logics and practices, which question the sustainability of the current transboundary conservation process. One of the contributions of this research is to propose a joint analysis of the dynamics linked to borders and conservation policies, based in particular on empirical data. We draw on data from field surveys carried out in South Africa and Mozambique, among tourists in Kruger National Park (n = 135), local communities in Limpopo National Park (n = 87), and people linked to park management or the conservation sector (n = 15). The results testify to the continuing marked socio-economic contrasts on either side of the border between South Africa and Mozambique. These contrasts are also reflected in the way people relate to wildlife, and remain marked by racialized divisions linked to the history of the parks and the countries.
- Territorialisation transfrontalière entre Brazzaville et Kinshasa : des ressources marchandes à la frontière ressource - Clémence Auzary
Varia
- Participer et Surveiller. La vigilance de quartier en France - Paul Durand, Arthur Guérin-Turcq La vigilance de quartier se développe et s'institutionnalise en France à travers deux dispositifs, l'un privé « Voisins vigilants », l'autre public « Participation citoyenne ». Ces réseaux empruntent le même éthos sécuritaire que les membres des Neighborhood Watches aux Etats-Unis. L'article fait un état des lieux des enquêtes empiriques en sciences sociales sur les réseaux de vigilance en France et présente les différentes théories mobilisées par les chercheurs dans leur analyse. Le mouvement sécuritaire à l'œuvre dans la société française saisit en majorité les classes moyennes et les populations aisées des territoires urbains et périurbains. Un travail de distinction est fait entre l'étude des incivilités comptabilisées, du sentiment d'insécurité, des politiques publiques et citoyennes mises en place pour y répondre et des formes d'engagement dans de tels dispositifs. À travers cet état de la littérature scientifique, se dresse le portrait de communautés contrastées, demandeuses de contribuer à la vie sociale et politique de la cité, et en même temps, gagnées par des sentiments de repli sur soi et de peur de l'étranger.Neighborhood vigilance is being developed and institutionalized in France through two schemes, a private one “Voisins vigilants”, and a public one “Participation citoyenne”. These networks share the same security ethos as Neighborhood Watches in the USA. This article provides an overview of empirical studies in social science research on France vigilance networks, and presents various theories mobilized by researchers in their analysis. A distinction is made between the study of recorded incivilities, feelings of insecurity, public and citizen policies implemented in response to them, and forms of involvement in such schemes.While little research has been undertaken in France on neighborhood vigilance, French sociologists from a variety of fields have been investing in field surveys since 2012 to better identify citizen vigilance networks. The study of the French case allows us to show the proximities and divergences with Neighborhood Watches, the American neighborhood watch to which the private “Voisins Vigilants” scheme and its public equivalent “Participation citoyenne” are often assimilated. The article presents a review of the scientific literature on the various social science surveys and theories on participation in security in France, a scientific field challenged by renewed debate.We show that there are two major approaches to neighborhood vigilance in France. The first approach is rooted in the sociology of social movements. It focuses on the power relationship generated by “citizen vigilance”, based on notions such as social control and deviance. Its representatives are Matthijs Gardenier and Sébastien Bauvet. Social movement sociology seeks to show the consecration of insecurity as a major political issue, and emphasizes the rise in popular demand for monitoring devices. This field of French research is based on a re-reading of Surveiller et Punir (Michel Foucault, 1975), which launched the analysis of modern penal society.The other social science approach to neighborhood vigilance is taken by researchers who are experts in the study of policing and of its agents (Valérie Malochet and Eleonora Elguezabal). Their approach is closed to experts in crime, such as Frédéric Ocqueteau and Sébastian Roché. They describe the evolution of policing in France. To grasp the function of the citizen in security policies, Valérie Malochet and Eleonora Elguezabal also use works on citizen participation in democracy, those by Julien Talpin, Philippe Aldrin and Nicolas Hubé.The scientific domain of vigilantism reflects the advent of a “security culture” in France, a breeding ground for the spread of vigilance in wealthy suburban communities, symbolized by the “Voisins vigilants” scheme. In fact, the security movement at work in French society is mainly affecting the middle classes and affluent populations in urban and suburban areas. This review of the scientific literature pictures contrasting communities, eager to contribute to social and political life in the city, but also tempted by social withdrawal and fear of strangers.
- Reading Spykman in Beijing - Claudia Astarita, Matteo Marconi Cet article teste la pertinence de la théorie du Rimland de Nicholas J. Spykman pour expliquer la logique de l'initiative chinoise de la Ceinture et de la Route (Belt and Road Initiative, BRI). Ce test apparait comme particulièrement approprié puisque la BRI s'étend sur le tracé géographique du Rimland. Une critique de la théorie du Rimland soulignant l'importance de mélanger des éléments réalistes et culturels est proposée pour expliquer dans quelle mesure ce cadre datant des années 1930 et 1940 peut élucider la posture stratégique de l'initiative chinoise. L'article utilise le cadre théorique de Spykman pour illustrer l'attitude de la Chine dans la région ainsi que ses ambitions potentielles de domination. Il élucide également les tendances déclenchées par la force centrifuge et centripète exercée par la Chine en tant que puissance émergente, en supposant l'impossibilité par les autres puissances régionales d'ignorer ces changements, ainsi que les nouvelles formes d'endiguement et d'alignement en train de se matérialiser dans la zone. D'un point de vue méthodologique, l'article s'appuie sur la littérature existante sur la BRI, en prenant en considération les auteurs chinois et non chinois afin d'identifier les forces et les faiblesses des deux approches. L'analyse montre jusqu'à quel point le paradigme Spykmanien permet de comprendre la logique et la dynamique de la BRI, ainsi que les limites liées à l'utilisation de la géopolitique classique pour comprendre la Chine.This article tests Nicholas J. Spykman's rimland theory relevance to better frame the logic of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This test seems particularly appropriate since the BRI runs along the rimland geographical layout. A critique of the rimland theory emphasizing the importance of mixing realist and cultural elements is offered to question to what extent a framework that was coined between 1930s and 1940s to elucidate political dynamics affecting the most populated and resource rich areas on Earth remains relevant to interpret BRI's logic and strategic posture. The rimland theory is employed to answer general questions regarding the Chinese project, and especially its attitude in the area and its potential ambitions to dominate it. The article also retraces trends aroused by the centrifugal and centripetal force released by China as an emerging power, assuming that other powers cannot remain indifferent to China-led changes, and that these evolutions inevitably trigger new forms of containment and alignment. Its final goal is to identify, if any, merits and limits of Spykman's best-known scholarly work to be associated to the BRI. From a methodological perspective, the article offers a review of the existing literature on the BRI, taking into consideration both Chinese and non-Chinese authors so as to identify strengths and weaknesses of alternative approaches. The hermeneutic contribution of the Spykmanian paradigm is then associated to BRI logics and dynamics. Limitations linked to the use of classical geopolitics to interpret China are also emphasized.
- Espaces et politiques de la frontière au Groenland. Les projets miniers comme voie de territorialisation de l'État ? - Pia Bailleul Depuis les années 1990, le Groenland développe l'industrie minière autour de la « zone frontière », stratégie d'exploration et de cartographie des sous-sols. Cette orientation vise à permettre l'accession économique à l'indépendance vis-à-vis du Danemark, fondant une définition nationaliste de la frontière des ressources. Le projet minier de Kuannersuit, qui permettrait d'amorcer la bascule vers l'exploitation, génère pourtant entre 2013 et 2021 une opposition sociale massive. S'appuyant sur des données ethnographiques relatives à ce conflit récoltées entre 2016 et 2022, ainsi que sur des documents industriels établis par la compagnie minière, cet article examine ce conflit à l'aune de son engagement dans cette frontière nationale. De quelles manières l'intervention industrielle affecte-t-elle son déploiement, et dans quelle mesure l'État opère-t-il sa propre territorialisation par le développement industriel ? L'article souligne d'abord le phénomène de redéfinition spatiale autour d'un volume de ressources contrôlées par l'État – un volume frontalier – généré par l'enclavement minier. Il analyse ensuite la territorialisation par la décharge au secteur privé. Il interroge pour finir le paradoxe de cette frontière se faisant simultanément espace de ressources et de régulation étatique, et espace de spéculation et d'appropriation marchande. Il se veut ainsi une contribution à la littérature sur les zones frontières et l'extractivisme.Since the 1990s, Greenland has been developing its mining industry around the “frontier area”, a strategy of subsoil exploration and mapping. The aim is to achieve economic independence from Denmark, based on a nationalist definition of the resource frontier. However, between 2013 and 2021, the Kuannersuit mining project, which would initiate the switch to exploitation, generated massive social opposition. Drawing on ethnographic data relating to this conflict collected between 2016 and 2022, as well as industrial documents from the mining company, this article examines this conflict in terms of its engagement with this national frontier. In what ways does industrial intervention affect its deployment, and to what extent does the state operate its own territorialization through industrial development? The article begins by highlighting the phenomenon of spatial redefinition around a volume of resources controlled by the state - a frontier volume - generated by mining enclavement. It then analyzes territorialization through private-sector discharge. Finally, it examines the paradox of a border that is simultaneously a space of resources and state regulation, and a space of speculation and commercial appropriation. It is thus intended as a contribution to the literature on frontier zones and extractivism.
- Participer et Surveiller. La vigilance de quartier en France - Paul Durand, Arthur Guérin-Turcq