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Thoroughly criticized in the last few years, the concept of political culture has been useful to help understand the nature and social-political effects of trust among human beings and peoples. Trust, that is thé expectation of a positive or favorable behavior by the other, seems to be a durable characteristic of each culture. At least partially, it manifests itself as an effect of the historical experience of peoples on the learning of social life by individuals. Trust is also closely linked to the level of économie development of each society. The bonds of origin, such as race, religion, or geographical proximity, have, surprisingly, little impact on trust, when the effects of economie development and shared historical experience are held constant. The results of an opinion poll on the concept of trust dealing with seventeen peoples in the ten countries of the European Community show a remarkable consensus: certain peoples are trusted more readily than others. This suggests that economie development creates trust, but also that trust among individuals and peoples may be a necessary condition for socio-economie development.

Cornparing the cross effects of the two major factors of the segmentation of socialization ? social class and sex ? is the objective of this study, based on a secondary analysis of thé French data from an international survey of youth. The date shows how the instauration of sexual differentiation takes on variable forms according to the social origin of the adolescents and thé areas of socialization (knowledge, sexual liberalism, contestation, interest in politics, attitude toward sexual divisions of work, attitude toward moral traditionalism, emotional autonomy toward parents, behavioral autonomy).

La Théorie critique de Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse, pourrait-elle constituer une critique «de gauche» du totalitarisme? Sur tout son itinéraire, de 1930 à 1970, cette « première génération » de la Théorie critique reste sans doute animée par une exigence radicalement antitotalitaire, mais sans cesser toutefois d'apparaître comme une critique inachevée du totalitarisme. Partie d'un triple refus ? refus du point de vue extérieur d'une science ou d'une morale ; refus d'une vision de l'histoire comme progrès absolu ou comme déclin absolu ; refus d'une philosophie politique déterministe ou existentialiste ?, l'exigence antitotalitaire de la Théorie critique se heurterait cependant à la triple objection d'une critique généalogique de la raison ; d'une critique non spécifique de la domination; d'une critique non fondée au regard du Droit. La «seconde génération», avec Apel et Habermas, paraît aujourd'hui se donner les moyens d'achever l'intention de la Théorie critique, en l'engageant à réfléchir sur ses propres fondements de droit. Can the critical theory of Horkheimer, Adorno and Marcuse be considered a « leftist » critique of totalitarianism ? The itinerary ? from 1930 to 1970 ? of the " first generation " of critical theory was undoubtedly inspired by a radically antitotalitarian position, although it always took the form of an unfinished critique of totalitarianism. The antitotalitarian position stemmed from a triple refusal ? of the external viewpoint of a science or amoral ; of a vision of history as absolute progress or absolute decline ; of determinist or existentialist political philosophy ? and came up against the triple objection of a genealogical critique of reason, of a non-specific critique of domination ; and of an unfounded critique of law. The "second generation", with Apel and Habermas, seems to be giving itself the means of achieving the aims of critical theory by directing it toward a consideration of its own bases in law.

legitimate, moral and just for it stems from an induced effect and does not offer a philosophical plan. This theory rejects both the anarchist thesis and the utilitarian thesls and rests on a new definition of justice. The introduction of corrective mechanisms reveals the ambiguity of a theory of rights with no specifically libertarian moral bases.

By embodying the period of questioning brought about by destalinization, the journal Arguments represented an important parenthesis in the history of an usually closed French intellectual field. The forrn of Arguments as much as its content gave it most of its significance. Its friendly, convivial and open character provided thé existential opening corresponding to its theoretical opening based on the refusal of dogmatism and pursued as the search for a free and open heuristic and politics. Having reached an intellectual ethic, but without a Consolidated theory or politics, Arguments closed its own parenthesis by dissolving itself when it recognized that the time for questions had ended.