Contenu du sommaire : Burkina Faso : l'alternance impossible

The presidential election of the 13th of November, 2005. A plebiscit by default
On 13 November 2005, Blaise Compaoré was elected president for the third time in a row, with 80 % of votes countrywide. This fine score is paradoxical given significant opposition to the Compaoré régime in the late 1990s and ongoing dissatisfaction on the part of the population at large. It is best understood in terms of the ruling party's powerful clientelist machine, the president's newfound popularity in the face of the Ivoirian crisis, and the opposition's state-sponsored weakness. Widespread disinterest in the formal political life of the country is due as much (if not more) to disaffection on the part of the electorate as to a lack of political sophistication.

The vote in Koudougou : the submission of a rebellious city ?
The town of Koudougou, the largest with an opposition municipal council in Burkina Faso, has a reputation for rebellion. However, at the presidential election of 2005, Koudougou voted in favour of the president no less than the rest of the country. The history of the city, the power of the president and the ambiguities of the opposition must take into account this vote and its popular justifications.

The youth of the tea « grin » and the electoral campaign in Ouagadougou
In Ouidi and Dassasgho, two boroughs which illustrate the contemporary evolutions in Ouagadougou, the grins are a major locus of socialization for the « social cadets » who gather there around a tea. These « ghettos » are structured around solid generational, economic, social and cultural models, and the young urbanites learn the arts of « débrouille » and « business ». During the electoral campaign, they enter the political field, combining a radical critical stand with cynical opportunism.

« When the chicks unite, they scare off the sparrow-hawk ... » This article deals with an analysis of the political commitment and values of Burkinabe students, based on their positions about the presidential election of the 13th November 2005 and on their involvement with politics and trade-unionism. The student's uncertain economical and social situation, their image of the politics and the outcomes of the Zongo affair and the student mobilizations of 1998-2001 are identified as the major determinants of their behaviours and attitudes.

An eyewitness account. The 2005 presidential election from a Senufo village
Based on a long familiarity with the rural areas of the province of Kenedougou, this text provides a description of the impact (and the lack thereof) of the presidential election in a Senufo village.

Darfur, a conflict over land ?
In Darfur, the displacement of 2 million non-Arab civilians does not result simply from government repression. The Arab groups among whom Khartum has recruited its auxiliaries were given few land rights by the Darfur sultans in the precolonial era, and they make use of the current war to renegotiate this situation. They wish for a « modern » land law, but under pressure from the non-Arabs, the government has agreed to restore the « traditional » system. This will probably not suffice to recreate the regional ethnic melting pot which has been deeply disturbed by the war.

« The world must judge us on Africa »British policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa peaked in profile during the UK's presidency of the G8 and EU in 2005. Focusing on poverty reduction through economic development, Britain created a Commission for Africa, charged with reflecting on new approaches. The policy disconnect between the rhetoric of Tony Blair and his capacity to deliver reinforces the suspicion that Africa has in fact been little else than an opportunity for communication in difficult times : the logic was mostly of humanitarianism ; management was clumsy and at times arrogant ; amongst other competing priorities, Africa policy can not figure distinctly.

Palestinian and South African activists : post-conflict and self-esteem
This paper is intended to compare the experiences of veterans from the ANC and from the Fatah in post-conflict situations. The legitimacy of either cause is not at stake here, any more than the methods they used. The purpose is to understand individual trajectories and the meanings given to war and peace. The hypothesis is that the heroization or victimization of self depends on a collective political imagination, to which both one's own political community, and the enemy's, contribute.

Border practices : playing the US Diversity Lottery
The post-Cold War political and economic crisis in Togo has generated a wave of inventive popular, cultural and entrepreneurial practices, practices that are often semi- or extra-legal in nature. This article explores one such popular practice – the participation of Togolese in the United States Diversity (Green Card) Lottery, and their often-ingenious attempts to manipulate the system to their advantage.

The Senegalese written press in all its forms
Senegal is known for its pluralism and the critical role of its media. Less well-known is the crisis that the written press is presently undergoing, due to three main factors : its financial fragility, its lack of professionalism, and attacks on freedom of the press. These processes have led to the partial informalization of the press, which is a short term survival strategy. This facilitates in turn other lapses, which may result in further loss in credibility and in quality, ultimately affecting the contribution of the press to democracy in the country.