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The living conditions of colored populations trapped in ghettoized urban areas has worsened since the 1970s. Via the media, a mean world syndrome demonizes such places and their residents. An easy answer for politicians consists in politicizing and racializing the issue of crime. Unlike the 1920s, the knowledge brought by criminologists, judges and other professionnals on dead-end measures such as massive incarceration of non-violent offenders, is not taken into account because repression is a lucrative business for the administration, private interests and politicians and because it fulfills a need for revenge as a compensation for other global anxieties.

Demographers explain the fact that women are heads of households in the countries of origin by the shortage of men created by labour migration (the so-called sex-ratio argument). Empirical testing using census or survey data pertaining to a large number of countries proves disappointing. No signifiant statistical correlation can be established between sex ratios and various characteristics of the households. In order to understand the failure of the methodology used, one must shift from demography to the sociology of migrations and take into account the cultural contexts, and more specifically roles and statuses of women, as is shown in the case of the Caribbean and of the Dogon, one of the ethnic groups in Mali.

The concept of migratory circulation, a ramification of the concept of migration, refers to human mobility, the itineraries selected, the means of transportation and communication, and what effectively transpires in the space traveled over, between the land of origin and the land of residence. It is based on the work of geographers (R. Beteille, G. Simon, M. Poinard, etc.) who introduced the concept of an essentially dynamic migratory domain. In this article, the author first describes and then analyzes how networks of exchange, transportation, and communication function to animate and irrigate the Turkish migratory domain, which currently covers Europe, the Middle East, and the CIS, and which has become transoceanic (North America and Australia). The roles of various transportation and communications operators will be examined, as well as the attitude of public authorities to the emigrants themselves. Various categories of movers work together to constitute a dense network of relations, almost akin to a diaspora phenomenon: a widespread but effective space which has effectively resulted in a Turkish presence throughout Europe and beyond it. The author suggests a dynamic vision of the migratory domain, based on the mobility of people and goods, and associated with various means of transportation (air, sea, rail, and road), as a complement to the static vision, which observes the emergence of immigrant communities undergoing a complex process of ethnicization (or assimilation) in highly diversified environments. In these terms, mobility may seem to be irrelevant, or may go unnoticed. In reality, it is the backbone of a truly transnational space.

About « Migratology » Hervé DOMENACH The building of supranational spaces, strongly segmented, underscores both the new outlooks of the migratory phenomenon and the growing human mobility into protected spaces. The current mutations of socio-economical structures are supported by three main effects introducing on migratory dynamics : the planetary demographic growth and its spatial distribution, the widespread marketing links, the technological and the new media revolution. The time is ripe to argue about a global discourse on migration, i.e. 1iteraily about « migratology », which would allow the understanding of migratory modernity according to the contemporary « societal » mutations and the consequential evolution of its two basic analytical references : « space-time » and « flows-stocks ». Eventually the question of the epistemological existence of a scientific identity for the migration theme is clearly stated by this approach.

The postage stamp has become a medium for the State's communication, an explicit reference to official representations. As the State's logo, it conveys an image which is a message. The past several decades of philatelic production have yielded many thousands of illustrations for each country, each representing an aspect of national identity. In this article, we shall discuss whether States have portrayed human migrations in stamp art, and how they have been portrayed. We shall find that such subjects are rarely chosen as bearers of official messages. National memories, as mediated by the postage stamp, are extraordinarily selective and partial, if not amnesiac.

Over the past 20-30 years, international migration and refugee movements have increased dramatically and become more and more complex. In the present context of economic crisis which prevails in most receiving countries, two paradigms dominate the approach of international migration issues : « control », as a mean to contain them, and « development », as a mean to suppress the need to migrate. These two approaches appear simplistic. In one hand, maintaining stricter and stricter border controls may well be unbearable in the long run, because, among other factors, of the cost involved. In another hand, development process may also induce international migration, contrary to the current wisdom which states just the opposite. The author concludes in stressing the need for research aimed at a better understanding of why consequences of international migration and refugee movements can be positive in certain cases, and negative in others, and more generally on the need for research on the relationships between international migration and development.

Two decades of economic recession have brought about profound transformations in the social structure of France's working population. In this article we focused on an analysis of socioprofessional statistics from the censuses of 1982 and 1990 (the first ones to use the new terminology) as a means of understanding the role and status in these developments of populations produced by immigration. The social gap between working people of foreign origin and the birthright French remains quite considerable. Nevertheless, despite the economic situation, the social homogeneity of the minority population seems to be fading. Although the great majority of working people from a foreign background are still employed in low-echelon industrial and service jobs, there is a tendency for this homogeneity to blur slightly. A gradual penetration of the social fabric is underway, due in particular to an increase in the numbers of tradesmen and shopkeepers.

In the anniversary issue of the review, the authors deliver us a critical balance of eleven years of publication (1985-1995). They first consider the place of countries, populations and disciplines in different contributions. They next analyse the themes which have marked out the editorial REMI's review. At last they show which problematics and concepts orientate in a privileged way the understanding and explanation of migratory phenomenons. Thus they make obvious the scientific and normative logics which go through the construction of the migration « object ».

The idea that immigration embodies a major obstacle if not a threat to each member-State is spreading throughout the European Union. As a result, xenophobia is on the rise everywhere, and the theme of immigration has become a politically loaded issue. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that legislators are giving such high priority to settling the immigration question, and that each State has moved to toughen policy on immigration control, and, more recently, the right to political asylum. The first part of this article consists of a summary of the major reforms undertaken by the EU states over the past decade. The second chapter discusses the ways in which these reforms were drafted, and, in particular, the influence of intergovernmental negotiations on national policy. The third part, relative to th regulation of job markets, underscores the contrast between the tough restrictions on permanent employment of foreigners and flexibility wich has maintained for administering seasonal immigration or entry visas granted within the contexte of temporary work contracts. The fourth part, which analyzes the impact of these legislative changes on individual rights, logically leads to a discussion of the foundation of the procedure followed by the wealthy countries, and points out the shortcoming of a strictly punitive or even military solution to what is chiefly a problem of development and democracy.

The growing importance of the presence of international migrants in independent economic activities has generated several studies, especially in English-speaking countries (in France, there are few). These studies observe the development of economic groups based on ethnic belonging, in the context of business, and examine the circumstances and practices according to which they are formed. However, they rarely examine a fundamental characteristic of this phenomenon: the prevalence of ethnic considerations in the choice of economic partners. They raise a question which remains unanswered: «Why do economic operators choose their partners on the basis of their reciprocal ethnic belonging?» Such a question makes it possible to focus attention on the mechanism motivating the choice of economic partners. Two hypothetical assumptions underpin this paper. First, ethnic belonging constitutes a framework which guides in a preferential but non-exclusive way the choice of economic partners from within or outside the two partners' respective ethnic groups. Second, the choice of partners from one group rather than another obeys a logic based on trust, itself guaranteed by reputation.

Like the 1930s, the 1980s were characterized, in France, by a profound economic, social, and moral crisis. As usual, the far right exploited the general mood of anxiety to place immigrants in the center of the debate, blaming the immigrant communities for the country's problems. The extremists forget the demographic and economic sources of immigration. Instead, they attribute the arrival of foreigners to political maneuvers by the left and the anti-national right. Immigrants settled in France are accused of being a source of unemployment, of occupying more than their share of housing and hospital beds, of aggravating crime, of indulging in obscure political plots, and of destroying French identity. In the 1930s, the group designated as most dangerous was the Jews; in the 1980s, it was the North Africans. As a result, the extreme right urges that borders be closed, that access to citizenship be restricted, that as many foreigners as possible be turned away. Although racist ideas were commonly expressed in the 1930s, they are no longer openly espoused today, with the exception of certain fringe groups. But, aside from this difference and the origin of the groups perceived as most threatening, the modus operandi of the xenophobic process has varied little in 50 years.

The overwhelming trend of migratory flows to become globalized, which is manifesting itself in all the major immigrant countries and the planet's main pools of employment, henceforth concerns France and Europe. One of the main challenges confronting these two entities is related to the spatial expansion and rising diversity of their recruitment spaces, and the great difficulty involved in controlling mobility which increasingly tends to function on a global scale. It is essential to revise analytic paradigms based on a strictly national vision which is blind to and repressive of phenomena that are more planetary every day. The global approach will have to combine national management, the functioning of the community's migratory space, relations with increasingly distant and increasingly «foreign» lands of origin, and the globalization of migratory dynamics.

Research into the history of Chinese immigration to Europe has so far basically been conducted on a country-by-country basis and normally restricted to national sources. In order to comprehend early Chinese immigration to Europe, however, a wider approach is necessary with the inclusion of Chinese sources and closer co-operation between Western and Chinese scholars. Research in different European countries confirms that the majority of the early Chinese migrants to Europe originated from a few counties in Zhejiang province south of Shanghai. But "when", "why", and "how" immigration was initiated and what was its extent, still remain practically unanswered questions. For the purpose of clarifying these topics, Chinese local sources contain valuable information. This article contains a translation of a chapter in the Qingtian County Gazetteer as an example of the information on immigration that can be found in this kind of Chinese local sources. Finally, the information is discussed and, despite some problems concerning the origin and reliability ofthe Chinese sources, they are still found to provide European researchers with valuable historical information on the Qingtian phenomenon in European immigration history.