Contenu du sommaire : Nouvelles aliénations

The concept of alienation, as put forward in the 1844 Manuscripts, is a particularly complex one. Marx tentatively outlines a conception of alienation that is proper to him, that is not merely the transfer of the Feuerbachian conception from the religious sphere to social and economic life. Marx's innovation is to have gone beyond a conception in which alienation is regarded as the loss of a subjective content in the object, or as the experience of the loss of the object that is intrinsically alienating, insofar as the worker is deemed to have invested his subjectivity in the object that has been produced. Marx thus puts forward the idea that objectification is not in itself alienating. This is the case with work, an activity that is naturally objectifying, or with a being that is itself natural and objective, such as the worker. What is alienating, for an objective being (and not for a “subject”), is the suppression of the objectivity that is proper to it : that is, the negation of its naturalness, and of the originally passive and "affected", acted upon, dimension of its being.

It is generally agreed that the major contribution of Lukács to twentieth century thought is to have foregrounded in philosophical inquiry the questions of alienation and reification. However, while the secondary literature on the question has been almost exclusively focused on Lukács's early work, History and Class Consciousness, the present article addresses the wealth of innovative perspectives to be found in his Aesthetics, and in particular in his Ontology of Social Being. The second part of the article addresses the affinities with the Sartrean philosophy and proposes a confrontation with the Heideggerrian analysis of alienation, which is rarely granted a critical treatment in its own rights.

The 1844 Manuscripts manifest two discordant tendencies. On the one hand, Marx develops the existing thematics of alienation. To do so, the notion is referred back to its (Hegelian, Feuerbachian) sources in the analysis of the dispossession of the products of labour. On the other hand, Marx seeks to formulate a more immanent approach, focusing on certain specific, pathological forms of life, characterised by a condition of subjective suffering and by the objective limitation of the activities and interests of the individual. It is this immanent approach to alienation which today appears to us to be the most promising, in terms of social theory. The approach must however be coupled with an inquiry which addresses questions of living and questions of health to which Marx did not himself propose the elements of a response.

Yvon Quiniou, For a Rethinking of the Concept of Alienation. Because of its ambiguities, the concept of alienation needs to be rethought. Whether in its examination of the various aspects of work or in its consideration of the relation of humanity to its history, the notion can and must be called into question. However, when the aim is the examination of the development of humans inside class-structured societies which prevent them from achieving their potentialities, the pertinence of the concept is evident. Alienation here proves to be a category that is both scientific and normative, providing the critique of capitalism and the ideal of emancipation with their necessary anthropological foundation.

In contemporary political philosophy, the disqualification of the problematic of alienation has to a large extent rested on the conviction that the norms of democracy, justice, and the good life provide a sufficient framework within which to outline a social critique that is politically pertinent. The paradox is that, at the very moment when such a conviction was becoming widespread, its validity was being refuted by the historical reality. It would appear that the casting-off of the Fordist system has seen the emergence of a different set of social pathologies which, if they are to be adequately thematised and criticised, require the activation of the notion of alienation.

The article argues the need to rehabilitate the concept of alienation within the post-Fordist model of production, insofar as it is the concept which – if we leave aside the general analysis of wage-labour within capitalist social structures – is best able to explain how the newly devised tools for the management of labour and, most importantly, for the mobilisation of the subjectivities of salaried workers, lead to a reduction both of their autonomy in work and of their opportunities for escape from the stipulated behavioural norms. Finally, it is argued that the procedures for the organisation of production and labour, along with the mechanisms intrinsic to the mobilisation of labour, establish, to an unprecedented degree, the conditions for a denegation of alienation, thus consolidating it.

The evidence gathered from medical case-studies and from the psychopathology of work throws up a body of contradictory findings relative to the question of alienation. Even a phenomenon such as workplace suicide cannot be restricted to any single, unambiguous interpretation. This said, when we analyse the aggravation of the work-related mental pathologies, we are confronted with a set of findings which enable us to clarify the contemporary meaning of the Marxist notion of alienation.

Luddism constituted a phase in English social history between 1811 and 1817, a phase marked by a remarkably widespread phenomenon of machine-breaking. Ignored for generations, and subsequently the object of denigration, Luddism came in for a reevaluation in E. P. Thomson's book The Making of the English Working Class (1963), which fused a “Marxist” political perspective and the acutest requirements of historical scholarship. In subsequent research, these two perspectives have drifted apart. On the one hand, Thomson's historiographical heirs no longer subscribe to their predecessor's militant stance. On the other, those researchers whose active commitment to the cause of political ecology since the 1990s had led them to inject urgency into the historiographical debate, have proved less convincing in terms of their contribution to historical scholarship. Luddism remains nevertheless a contemporary issue, both in historiography and in political philosophy.

This brief article comments on Moshe Lewin's last book (Le siècle soviétique, Fayard, Paris, 2003). The book can be considered as the best documented study of Soviet Union. Lewin's characterisation of the soviet system as bureaucratic absolutism is, however, disappointing, and contrasts with the identification of the new “managerial” ruling class, its grip on resourses and state power.

Vincent Houillon, The Forward Movement of Thingking : Marx Read by Derrida. The starting-point of the article is an examination of the Marxian heritage in the thinking of Derrida, beginning with a certain “retreat” of Marx in Derrida's writing, and moving to a certain disclosure of Marx in Spectres de Marx. Houillon seeks to demonstrate how deconstruction is an heir to Marx, the “deconstructibility” of whose text it soon acknowledged, distancing itself from any dogmatic or ontological conception of Marxism, while at the same time claiming its place in a constellation of critical readings capable of sustaining a political perspective. The onset of deconstruction is to be situated in a certain interruptive relation to a Marxist ontology, the plurality of whose meanings the article tries to address. The future of Marx, it is argued, is the issue at the heart of the deconstructive reading of Marx, insofar as the latter is an attempt to think a new the “old name” of communism.

In this dialogue Jacques Rancière addresses the following questions : how Marx. can be used today ; utopian socialism ; the manifestations of hatred towards democracy ; relations between democracy and the idea of the Republic ; the complexity of the relations between art and politics, with particular reference to the œuvre of Jean-Luc Godard. Rancière also addresses recent issues in critical theory, notably the theses put forward by Negri and Hardt in Empire, and in politics, evoking alterglobalisation movements and the crisis in the French banlieues.