Contenu du sommaire : Inconscients d'école

Inconscients d'école

• L'inconscient d'école. - Pierre Bourdieu
• Parades académiques - Contribution à l'économie politique des Livrets universitaires. - William Clark
  Academic Parades This paper attempts to illuminate parts of the academic unconscious through a study of the lecture catalogue. The analysis is confined essentially to early modern lecture catalogues from German-language universities. There are three aspects to the analysis. First, the lecture catalogue is analyzed in terms of academic "manners" : what does the lecture catalogue tell us about how academics conceived themselves ? The second and third aspects of the analysis place academia in the context of state and society. Thus, secondly, the lecture catalogue is analyzed in terms of governmental "ministry" : what does the lecture catalogue tell us about how ministries of state endeavored to police and control academics ? Finally, thirdly, the lecture catalogue is analyzed in terms of entrepreneurial "markets" : what does the lecture catalogue tell us about the relation of academics to the marketing of knowledge ?
• De polyhistor en philologue. - Anthony Grafton
  From Polyhistor to Philolog While it is well known that classical philology was central to XIX century German culture, information on the activities, the practices (in particular pedagogic practices), the methods and the social experiences which it involved is generally lacking. Drawing from many examples, this article analyses the education, the kind of intellectual relations and the social functions of the knowledge and savoir-faire associated with philology. Anthony Grafton discusses the limits of the rupture between professional philology and what preceded it, as well as the difficulties (and in particular on the part of students) which specialists encountered because of the type of training they provided, centered on academic erudition rather than Bildung (though ironically enough, this type of global human education happened to be theorized by Humboldt). The methods which philologists used and the knowledge which they elaborated were often at variance with the social role they wished to play.
• Parler. La disparition historiographique de la parole magistrale. - Françoise Waquet
  Parler « Le professeur est un homme qui parle plus qu'il n'écrit », peut-on lire dans un rapport de l'agrégation. Cette évidence n'a guère retenu l'attention des historiens. Alors que par leur statut professionnel, par les orientations mêmes de leur discipline, par les acquis de la recherche en sciences sociales, ils auraient pu être amenés à réfléchir sur l'historicité des pratiques orales des doctes, rien de tel ne s'est produit : pourquoi? Après avoir traité de l'objection de l'absence de sources, cet article examine les raisons rendant compte de cette « indifférence » des historiens pour la parole magistrale. Elles ressortissent à deux ordres de choses : d'une part, l'habitus professionnel entendu ici comme l'exercice du métier d'historien et les conditions « disciplinaires » de la recherche ; d'autre part, un climat épistémologique général, celui du monde intellectuel, où dominent un préjugé rhétorique et la sacralité reconnue à l'écrit.

  Speaking "The teacher is someone who speaks more than he writes", thus reads one agregation report. This obvious statement seems to have escaped the attention of historians. Whereas their professional status, the very orientation of their discipline, the findings of the social sciences all could have led them to reflect on the historicity of the oral practices of the learned, nothing of the sort has happened : why not? After having dealt with the objection of the absence of sources, the present article examines the reasons accounting for historians "indifference" to the speech of teaching. These are of two orders : first of all, the professional habitus, understood here as the practice of the profession of historian and the "disciplinary" conditions of research and, second, a general epistemological climate prevailing in intellectual circles that was dominated by prejudice against rhetoric and sacralization of the written word.
• L'inconscient scolaire des philosophes. - Louis Pinto
• Un inconscient universitaire fait homme : le Privatdozent. - Franz Schultheis
• Harvard et le critère du mérite. - Jérôme Karabel
  Harvard and the ideology meritocracy The new president of Harvard, James Bryant Conant, wasted no time in calling for (at the time) bold changes in the university admission policy : he believed that access to higher education should be based on ability rather than inherited privilege. His program of National Scholarships was therefore designed to enable brilliant, however poor, students to obtain their education in the best institutions. Yet, his vision of both the educational system and the larger society was deeply hierarchical. While promoting the ideal of equality of opportunity, he thus claimed that less young people should attend college. At the same time, he was careful to assure Harvard's various constituencies that the vast majority of students would still be selected through traditional processes. In a 1938 Harper's Magazine article, he identified himself with the Jeffersonian tradition of universal schooling and its emphasis on the importance of the equality of opportunity, which would entail a large-scale redistribution of privilege to the advantage of a "natural aristocracy of talent and virtue" but opposed the "Jacksonian Democracy" which he deemed much too egalitarian. Again, his position prevented him from going too far and he was careful to explain why Harvard and like institutions had to admit the sons of the privileged. He believed that the emergence of a hereditary aristocracy of wealth and the hardening of class-lines would soon produce class consciousness, a danger to America which only a "more equitable distribution of opportunity" (generating increased social mobility) could turn back. In a highly contro- versial 1943 Atlantic article, which displeased Harvard's most loyal supporters, Conant advocated the confiscation of all property once a generation : the third choice, which was embodied by the indigenous American radical and his concern with social fluidity, was the antidote to the European "industrial feudalism" and would preserve the existing capitalist order and free enterprise.
• L'invention de Tocqueville. - Roland Lardinois
  L'invention de Tocqueville La réception de l'œuvre de Tocqueville en France, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, permet de comprendre comment les écrits de ce publiciste, jusqu'alors ignorés par les sociologues, sont constitués en enjeu disciplinaire dans les luttes internes à l'univers national des sciences sociales. L'introduction de Tocqueville comme l'un des « pères fondateurs » de la sociologie revient à Raymond Aron lorsque ce dernier doit lui-même construire sa position dans cet espace disciplinaire en cours de recomposition. Cette rencontre se fonde sur une homologie structurale entre les dispositions intellectuelles et idéologiques de Aron et de Tocqueville qui entretenaient tous deux une relation ambivalente au regard des états historiques respectifs du champ académique et du champ du pouvoir. Parce que Tocqueville peut être présenté à la fois comme un sociologue et un historien à l'endroit des gouvernants et comme un homme d'action et de réflexion à l'égard des sociologues et des philosophes, il apparaît ainsi à Aron, qui participe de ces deux espaces sociaux, comme un objet de médiation culturelle privilégié. Cependant, cette reconnaissance universitaire accordée à Tocqueville n'aurait pu survivre au geste inaugural d'Aron, si elle n'avait rencontré des conditions sociales favorisant la reproduction d'un discours scolaire routinisé, à la faveur du développement des sciences sociales dans les enseignements secondaire et supérieur. L'« actualité » de Tocqueville pourrait bien tenir à l'efficacité rhétorique de ses thématiques simples et floues qui peuvent être aisément réinventées à l'occasion des débats convenus sur la modernité, ajustés aux attentes hétéronomes d'une demande sociale mal définie. peut être présenté à la fois comme un sociologue et un historien à l'endroit des gouvernants et comme un homme d'action et de réflexion à l'égard des sociologues et des philosophes, il apparaît ainsi à Aron, qui participe de ces deux espaces sociaux, comme un objet de médiation culturelle privilégié. Cependant, cette reconnaissance universitaire accordée à Tocqueville n'aurait pu survivre au geste inaugural d'Aron, si elle n'avait rencontré des conditions sociales favorisant la reproduction d'un discours scolaire routinisé, à la faveur du développement des sciences sociales dans les enseignements secondaire et supérieur. L'« actualité » de Tocqueville pourrait bien tenir à l'efficacité rhétorique de ses thématiques simples et floues qui peuvent être aisément réinventées à l'occasion des débats convenus sur la modernité, ajustés aux attentes hétéronomes d'une demande sociale mal définie.

  Inventing Tocqueville Tocqueville's reception in France, in the second half of the 20th century, illuminates how the writings of this publicist, only recently discovered by sociologists, have become a disciplinary stake in the current struggles within the world of the social sciences. The introduction of Tocqueville as one of the "founding fathers" of sociology was performed by Raymond Aron when he was obliged to construct his own position in this moving disciplinary space. Their encounter is rooted in a structural homology between Aron and Tocqueville's intellectual and ideological dispositions, both men entertaining an ambivalent relation with the historical states respectively of the academic field and the field of power. Because Tocqueville can be presented as both a sociologist and a historian with regard to the ruling class, and as a man of both action and reflection with regard to sociologists and philosophers, he appears to Aron, who has a foot in both social spaces, as a privileged object of cultural mediation. Yet Tocqueville's academic recognition would never have outlived Aron's initial gesture had it not met with sociological conditions favorable to the reproduction of a routine academic discourse prompted by the development of the social sciences in secondary and higher education. Tocqueville's interest today could well spring from the rhetorical efficacy of his themes, which are simple and vague enough to be easily re-invented on the occasion of the conventional debates on modernity, adapted to the heteronomous expectations of an ill-defined social demand.