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The transformations of the status of resistant in France (1945-1992). If ever there were a juridical status that should be unequivocal and non-revisable, this is it. Alas, from 1945 to 1992, the surviving resistants were remobilized and somewhat instrumentalized several times by political forces. Their rights followed the fluctuating curve of people's thinking and "felt" the assaults on memory. Between the military and the civilian, the national virtual French dough-boy and the ecumenical militant of universal values, their civic image greatly changed. This change is analyzed here for the first time, with all its expectations, taken from the best sources.

Frédéric Joliot, the Germans and the university in the first few months of the occupation. To save the Collège de France laboratory and the cyclotron he perfected, Frédéric Joliot decided to return to Paris in the summer of 1940. Pressure was put on him by the German authorities to turn the laboratory over to them, which he refused, but he had to accept the presence of German scientists working alongside him. The cooperation with physicists like Wolfgang Gentner and Otto Hahn extended the interests shared prior to the war. The former, known for his anti nazism, and the technical limits of the French cyclotron excluded any possibility of exploi-ting this coopération for German military research. Exasperated even before the war by the French élites failings, Joliot used his scientific prestige to develop research and participated in the beginning university resistance groups around Paul Langevin and Jacques Solomon. Although they were not in the majority, he and his friends supported Langevin, arrested in october 1940. This position became clearer through the analysis of the tensions within the university about what the attitude should be toward Vichy and the Germans. It went along with the Collège de France professors' revolt against collaborators' accusations. Far from providing an example of a "voluntary accommodation" (P. Burrin) with the occupier, Frédéric Joliot sacrificed his personal destiny as a researcher to a group project of resistance that, in addition, counted on the scientific renewal of France.

Paid vacation in France before the Popular Front. The example of the workers in Paris, 1919 to 1935. Before the june 1936, vote that gave salaried workers two weeks of paid vacation, only a minority benefited from this right. Within the world of the workers, it was above all those with a status in private industry who had this rarely granted advantage. In Paris, the demand for paid vacations predated the Popular Front. It had appeared as early as 1919 in the workers' strikes before reaching a peak at the end of the 1920s. While it's true that it was not a major claim of the workers, it was nevertheless one conquest of the Popular Front that was already part of Paris's strikes in the preceding years.