Contenu du sommaire : L'Indo-Pacifique : un espace stratégique sous tension

The United States and China have entered a period of confrontation, which brings with it long-lasting destabilisation of the Indo-Pacific region. It amounts to competition between two rival geopolitical approaches, one favouring the maritime dimension, the other the land—more easily accessible to China.

France is a regional power in the Indo-Pacific, by dint of which it is a major player in the zone. Through the European Union, Paris is seeking to increase its partnerships in a balanced and ambitious approach, challenging that imposed by the AUKUS pact.

The French overseas territories in Oceania are vital players in the Indo-Pacific region. This affords them a great advantage, as long as they play their full part in the definition of an overall strategy to cover the very heart of a region around which today's world is being shaped. The state should build upon this insular power.

France and Japan have an ancient and solid partnership. It has been developing in many areas to reach what is today a strategic dimension, which includes the field of defence. The French presence in the Indo-Pacific strengthens the need for cooperation with Tokyo in the current climate.

Chinese ambition no longer harbours any secret : it is now quite open and lays bare a full range of approaches aimed at broadening Beijing's interests. The web thus created seeks to have influence over the Indo-Pacific region in particular, bringing it into confrontation with the United States, the other Pacific power.

France has for decades lacked any overall policy for the Indo-Pacific as a result of the region's low priority and of setbacks such as the retreat from Indochina. There has nevertheless been real change since 2010, with recognition of the importance of the region and the need for a global French approach.

The Indo-Pacific region boasts a number of regional bodies for dialogue and cooperation, albeit they have achieved limited results. In liaison with the European Union, and as a regional player, France is making attempts to integrate this political structure with the aim of crisis prevention in a region subject to strategic tension.

Relations between the United States and China have entered a new phase of conflict, with clearly-stated aims for balance of power in the Pacific. One might nevertheless question the pertinence of American strategy with regard to Beijing, whose approach resembles more a game of Go than any search for direct confrontation.

The East Indies route has been sailed since the dawn of time. For millenia, seafarers have navigated these maritime routes which offer a connection between Asian civilisations and the Mediterranean region. The straits between the islands of South-East Asia are once again becoming a central issue.

French presence in the Indo-Pacific has both political and strategic dimensions. French military forces contribute to protecting our interests in the region. And yet our forces' assets need to be strengthened if we are to maintain our credibility when working with our partners.

Piracy remains a lucrative activity in the Indo-Pacific region, given the intensive commercial traffic there. Likewise, the pillage of fish stocks is accelerating whilst at the same time climate change is upsetting regional balances and imposing greater international cooperation.

The Sultanate of Brunei is a micro-state in terms of size yet has the advantage of major hydrocarbon resources which make it an important player in regional geopolitics. Whilst it has links to China, its relations with Beijing are complex for a state which survives on its oil revenue.

The security situation in the Sahel remains fragile despite efforts made over many years, among which Operation Barkhane. A broader approach is now needed from African countries, with more effective governance, more closely linked to the territories concerned, in order to respond to the needs of their populations.

In the divided and fractured France of today, the Gendarmerie has a duty to be available to serve the population. Developments are therefore underway to allow better response to new challenges on the ground and also in the virtual domain—the fight against cyber crime. The Gendarmerie is working to protect the nation.

France was and remains a legitimate and credible power albeit the nature of this power has evolved throughout history. French soft power needs more than ever to make itself felt and benefit from the essential European lever. To think that France can remain alone, apart, is today an illusion ; a lie, even.

By virtue of its capabilities, components and competences the Navy is able to conduct missions ranging from soft to hard power. This spectrum of action is the fruit of decades of effort and is a major asset to our country, a maritime power and major player on the international level.

The de-Westernisation of the world is the source of a break-up of traditional balances. The Mediterranean has once again become a stage upon which the actors are trading in rivalry and playing with force balances. In contrast, Europe appears voiceless and is fast becoming an easy prey to conquer.

The age-old institution of the Maritime Prefect (Préfet maritime—PREMAR) was established by Napoleon, as Premier consul, in 1800. A role strengthened by a decree in 2004, the PREMAR is an Admiral—thus a military authority—who also has extensive civilian powers and whose actions can engage all assets of the state.

The École des mousses (the school for young seamen) is an institution that serves youth in difficulty as much as it serves the Navy. The establishment in Brest was recreated in 2009 to offer exceptional educational opportunities through calling upon high-quality staff devoted to their mission of training responsible sailors.

Maitime-air operations are no longer limited to the ocean environment and have now to take into account many intangible fields of military development, drawing on hybrid strategies which demand intensive training. It amounts to a shake-up of conventional approaches to naval combat and imposes the need to innovate and anticipate.

Study of Soviet operational plans from 1964 and 1979 reveals the development of the French nuclear deterrent and its growing credibility. It was an appreciation of the effort made by France to ensure its independence and to protect its vital interests during the Cold War.

Although battleships were the capital ships of navies at the start of the Second World War, from 1940 they showed their vulnerability to embarked aviation. Nevertheless, navies took some time to recognise that such ships, the quintessence of naval construction since the mid-nineteenth century, were outclassed.