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Starting with a caricature by the engraver-publisher Villeneuve, published in March 1791, a corpus of some twenty large engravings was formed during that year, engravings largely homogeneous in their treatment of a common theme--compositions as rich as they are complex characterized by a grotesque vocabulary. Depicting the polemics of the political news of the moment, these engraved satires were not only inspired by the patriotic press of the time, but also by songs that themselves had quickly taken up the theme of the army of émigrés. The ensemble offers an example of multi-media communication of Revolutionary public space that would almost convey the impression of a concerted action by all these media. While this is most probably not the case, they do constitute, however, a choice corpus for understanding the way in which laughter, humor, and satire were developing in France at the time, to the detriment of the royalist émigrés.

During the Consulate and the Empire, French caricature largely supported Napoleon's foreign policy, rallying the majority of French people to the emperor's cause and inciting a rejection of his enemies. In this article, the author analyzes the French satirical production assailing the Allied powers between 1803 and 1814. Although most of these caricatures are anonymous, it is possible to identify satirists from diverse backgrounds, as well as a merchant-publisher who dominated the market. This study also highlights the targets of graphic satire, as well as their evolution, depending on the coalitions. Finally, through a detailed analysis of four engravings, it demonstrates how the French satirical arsenal drew on extremely varied themes and influences, placing caricature at the crossroads of academic and popular art.

The Tydsgebeurtenissen manuscript by the Antwerp aristocrat Pierre Goetsbloets affords a unique testimony of life under French revolutionary rule in the Belgian departments. It contains almost 300 watercolor images illustrating many aspects of public life, including depictions of the French republican festivals. For all their historical and iconographic importance, the watercolors have scarcely been studied, and are largely unknown outside of Belgium. This article aims to correct this neglect by critically examining the images, and by establishing their value as historical sources. These watercolors can be properly understood only in relation to the written text of the manuscript. An ardent counterrevolutionary, Goetsbloets was anything but a neutral observer. Nor can all the watercolors be considered eyewitness accounts of the events they depict. Yet Goetsbloets aimed to offer a truthful representation of events consistent with his self-appointed mission as a chronicler of his times. The same cannot be said, however, of his caricatures and allegories. In these satirical images, Goetsbloets expressly abandoned reality in favor of a hyperbolic visual language intended to expose the violence and injustice of the New Regime. Ultimately, Goetsbloets sought to deligitimise republican rule by satirizing its iconography. (abstract de l'auteur)

On March 28, 1792, the Legislative Assembly issued an amnesty for all crimes and misdemeanors related to the French Revolution that had occurred in Avignon and the Comtat Venaissin before November 8, 1791, the date of the proclamation of the attachment of the former Papal States to France. This controversial decision gave judges the opportunity to consign the Glacière massacre perpetrated in October 1791 to legal oblivion. The perpetrators of these crimes, finally freed, benefited from an ambiguous and almost embarrassing clemency. It is precisely the approach adopted by the Legislative Assembly to grant this amnesty, and the procedure followed by the judges to confirm its application to individuals detained for having participated in the Glacière massacre that this article will be examining. It aims to shed light not only on a special use of amnesty measures, but in a larger way to contribute to the understanding of the period corresponding to the last months of the French monarchy.

This article reconstructs the Italian years (1802-1814) of the Lyonnais abbot Aimé Guillon de Montléon. Guillon had been brought to and imprisoned in Italy because of certain counter-revolutionary writings. After his brief imprisonment, he benefited from the institutional transformation of the Italian Republic into the Kingdom of Italy. Approached by the Milanese court of Eugene de Beauharnais, he succeeded in making people forget his past, and became editor of the literary section of the main official newspaper of the Kingdom, the Giornale italiano, and a promoter of French cultural preeminence. Guillon not only supported the superiority of French culture, but also encouraged the francization of Italy at a time when the defense of the Italian language had become a fundamental political issue as an inseparable element of Italian national identity. He represents, however, the example of a counter-revolutionary monarchist who reinvented himself within the cultural imperialism of Napoleon and the new imperial monarchy.

Although the political culture born of the French Revolution has influenced Chinese history since the end of the Qing Dynasty, it was not until after 1979 that studies on the history of France and the Revolution gained momentum. Over the past three decades (1989-2019), the rise of neo-conservatism in mainland China has directly impacted research, not only reducing scholars' enthusiasm for the Revolution, but also changing their priorities. This shift reflects the thinking of intellectuals in this period about the problems encountered during China's economic transformation. Today's work on the French Revolution, though it attempts to incorporate contemporary theories and methodologies, is still firmly in the service of politics.