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In 1927, in the context of opposition to the Paul-Boncour bill providing for the wartime mobilization of “all French citizens, regardless of age or sex,” the Comité de La Volonté de Paix, led by Madeleine Vernet, was founded. This group of pacifists launched a manifesto in favor of disarmament and promoted its ideas through the publication of a newspaper entitled La Volonté de Paix , published between 1928 and 1936. The lawsuit brought against it in 1935 for “inciting members of the military to disobedience” put an end to this publication, which had, during its short decade of existence and despite its meager resources, experimented with new means of action to spread its radical theses, including at a time of rising peril.

This article analyzes the role played by various Catholic actors in Mexico in their relations with Indigenous populations and the post-revolutionary state. Acting as critical observers of the “Indigenous question” and the way in which the authorities were developing specific policies for these populations, Catholics in the 1940s and 1950s reignited discourses, categories and practices that were in part inherited from the colonial era. The conviction that neither the evangelization nor the integration of these populations into Mexican society had been completed led them to draw up the outlines of an autonomous and diversified Indigenous action, which asserted itself between competition and dialogue with the political authorities, while remaining limited.

This article introduces the concept of “professional capital” to rethink behaviors and social interactions under the Vichy government and Nazi occupation. Drawing on the 1984 video testimony of Félix L., a Jewish dentist and army officer, it demonstrates how technical knowledge, social ties, and adaptability enabled individuals to barter, negotiate, and even subvert the established order. Combining microhistory, sociology, and Holocaust studies, the article sheds light on how professional skills shaped local survival and transformed social dynamics under Nazi rule.

At the dawn of the 1960s, as the French Ministry of Health was seeking to humanize psychiatric institutions, almost a third of Parisian patients were nonetheless still interned in provincial hospitals. Through a study of the archives of a prefect in the Seine region, this article analyzes the inspection of psychiatric establishments on a micro-scale. The inspections carried out by the prefect Louis Lesueur reveal the techniques used to monitor an institutionalized population and the departmental administration's interference in family relationships.

This article describes the attempts of the Spanish Planning Commissioner López Rodó to forge closer ties with his French counterpart, Pierre Massé, between the late 1950s and mid-1960s. Through this case study, the article contributes to a better understanding of the economic, cultural, and technical stakes of planning in its European context. The emergence of a technocratic internationalism helps to outline another history of European construction, erasing the separation between democratic Western Europe and dictatorial Southern Europe.

From 1919 to 1922, L'Humanité regularly reported on the Greco-Turkish war as it unfolded. In February 1919, Anatole France maintained a political stance inherited from Jaurès: in order to defend Greek and Armenian minorities in the Ottoman Empire, it was necessary to support Elefthérios Vénizélos. Paul Louis's international political columns also reflect the evolution of the Communists; the war in Anatolia was perceived as one of the first anti-colonial struggles. Other journalists urged readers of L'Humanité to distance themselves from Greece, because of the repression of Greek socialists and the occupation of Constantinople. In September 1922, when Smyrna was destroyed, L'Humanité argued along anti-imperialist lines, a position that would remain that of the French and Greek Communists.

At the end of the Second World War, while France experienced a rapid political recovery, Greece fell into civil war. Hoping to see the emergence of a new world of peace, the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO, in French) committed themselves to finding a solution to this crisis despite a lack of resources. The conflict's responsibilities blurred the divisions of the bipolar world that was emerging. The SFIO's responses provide an interesting vantage point to understand how a party adopts an international line and the actions it can then take in accordance with this stance. The Greek Civil War, which lasted from 1944 to 1949 and was followed by at least four years of instability, helps us to understand the reconfiguration of the horizon of expectations, as well as the disarray caused by the Socialists' entry into the Cold War.

Nowadays, the figure of Giuseppe Verdi (1813-1901) is crowned by his active participation in the Risorgimento through his operas. This narrative became widespread after his death and during the period that followed. This article analyzes the role that the celebrations paying tribute to the composer played in disseminating this myth. His state funeral and its widespread media coverage, and most of all the celebrations marking the centenary of his birth twelve years later, took opera beyond the confines of the theater and securely embedded the mythical figure of Verdi within a rapidly changing Italian population.

In 1932, a selection process was introduced at the start of the first year of secondary school: students' academic records had to be assessed by a special commission. The following year, an examination was introduced, the results of which formed part of the assessment criteria. The aim of this article is not to measure the quantitative and qualitative effects of this examination once introduced, but rather to analyze the differences in conception of the successive ministers who introduced this selection, and to show that the introduction of selection at the entrance to secondary school served to reveal the emergence of a new collective player, parents' associations.

In 1957, the use of the title of honorary canon of Saint John Lateran which is available to the French presidents was subject to a striking innovation. For the first time, a president of the Republic, René Coty, traveled to Rome to be received by the Pope and participate as an honorary canon in a solemn ceremony in the Archbasilica of Saint John Lateran. While still relatively ignored, this political gesture gave birth to a new tradition – now, most presidents of the Fifth Republic will make a visit to Rome similar to Coty's. This article aims to understand the conditions that allowed this decision to occur, to describe the modalities of an unprecedented ceremony, and to analyze how it was perceived.