Contenu du sommaire : Amérique latine, conflits et environnement

The article analyzes social conflicts around three Natural Protected Areas (ANP) in Mexico, through a perspective that shows not only the diversity but also the complexity of those conflicts. It argues that the “environmental content” of environmental conflicts is just one among other contents and it articulates in an unpredictable way with other aspects that are part of the same conflict. The article establishes a difference with other ways of understanding social conflicts and uses a methodology that observes the social productivity of conflicts in three kinds of processes: territorialization, that refers to the changing relationship between a community and its territory as a result of a conflict; the formation of intermediate public spaces, which shows the emergence of new spaces for public deliberation, socialization and learning as a result of conflicts; and the local actualization of law, which allows us to overcome the traditional legal dogma -that sees only whether environmental laws are fulfilled or not- and allows to see the specific role that the legal order role plays in the development of the conflict.

This paper analyses the role of the environmental movement in oil-based conflicts in the Ecuadorian Amazon. The central argument is that this movement has been producing a notorious incidence on legal and institutional reforms since the 1990's, but a relatively limited one on the oil extraction policy. We intend to prove that such a limitation comes from the tension between both orientations characterizing the Ecuadorian environmentalism: the radicalization of conflicts and the institutionalization of mechanisms of political incidence. In the actual context, the involvement of the environmental activists within Rafael Correa's government leads to a polarization of the debate on environmental governance. This strategy could reveal counterproductive when facing the consequences of a new expansion of oil activities with the prospect of the exploitation of the oilfields Ishpingo, Tambococha and Tiputini, better known for their initials: ITT.

Argentina and Uruguay have been engaged for some five years now in an unprecedented conflict over the setting up of a paper pulp factory on the right bank of their boundary river. The main bones of contention are the likely effects on human health and the river environment. The conflict was originally triggered off by local actors, then spilled over at governmental level, and was finally brought before the International Court of Justice. The Argentineans are denouncing Uruguay's failure to comply with various norms and treaties, while the Uruguayans are denouncing the permanent roadblocks set up on the trans-border bridge by the residents of Gualeguaychú. This conflict highlights the complexity of current Argentinean social movements and testifies to their deep influence on governmental action regarding the environment. It also exposes the difficulty for MERCOSUR countries to articulate a common environmental agenda, especially when it comes to regulating the huge agricultural and silvicultural investments which are currently reshaping the region's territories.

In the first months of the year 2008, Argentine society was the spectator of a hard clash between the national government and the soybean producers. The explanation of this totally new conflict can be found in the impact that soybean production has had in Argentina: from a very minor agricultural product, in twenty years soybean became the principal one and the main exportation good. This change produced a profound economic, social and environmental impact in the pampas region and later on the forested land of northern Argentina, and it was accompanied by several changes in land tenure, agricultural technology and transportation systems. All of that signified a radical modification of the old rural landscape and livelihoods.

This article hypothesizes that crime, both common and organized crime, is the principle security threat to Mexico. Organized crime is now a transnational activity. Therefore, it transcends Mexico's borders, impacting the United States and Central America. Likewise, security problems are multidimensional, and are caused by structural economic and social problems which weak state institutions cannot adequately combat. The essay analyzes the effects of the actions of Central American gangs (“Maras”), US-Mexico arms trafficking, and drug trafficking – the principal security problem of Mexico. It examines the 2002 accords between Mexico and the United States and the Mexican government's strategy of intensive military deployments. Finally, it points out that the cooperative program between Mexico and the US, known as the Merida Initiative, is a strategy of cooperative security, but is not the only possible solution to the security problems of Mexico.