Contenu du sommaire : Ideología e identidad

The age of Humanism revived the notion of varietas and established it as a generating force of thought and literature. It is therefore necessary to examine the role of varietas in the intellectual conception of the New World, both in Europe and the recently discovered territories. This article studies a specfic case, that of the Miscelánea Antártica of Miguel Cabello Valboa. It sets out to show how this author makes a double use of the principle of varietas in order to place the reader, both local as well as Spanish, within the context of American themes and of native history. However, his principal goal is that of incorporating American indigenous history into the mainstream of Universal History.

The Platica para todos los Indios and the text of the General Confession are the only two examples of missionary writing in Quechua prior to the Council of Trent to come down to us and their survival is due to their having been incorporated in the Grammar and the Lexicon composed by Domingo de Santo Tomás and published in Valladolid in 1560 as samples of the Lengua General. This article analyses the form of the Lengua General in which the Platica was written and the religious vocabulary established by the first missionaries in order to explain the Christian faith to the Indians. An annotated French translation follows the normalised version of the Quechua text. The annexes reproduce the original Quechua text and the Spanish glosses of Santo Tomás, the Spanish document on which the Quechua text was based and the transcription of the General Confession, a version of the same text in normalised Quechua and its French translation.

The Church constantly put to doubt the validity of its evangelisation of Peru, accusing the Indians of being just as idolatrous as they had been in the past and of practicing a hypocritical superficial form of Catholicism. Historians have accepted this justification of colonial power (which permitted it to impose its symbolic monopoly) to be an absolute truth and consider that the attitude of the indigenous population towards European presence was one of permanent religious resistance. However, if we take a closer look at the religious phenomena which the Church branded as manifestations of idolatry, we discover that many of them not only are strongly inspired by Catholic ritual but that they are the expression of a conscious desire to reenact this ritual. In the impossibility of accepting an indigenous Catholic religious autonomy, the Church was obliged to consider these phenomena to be parodies inspired by the demon and thus reinvent the indigenous past.

Through the study of the manuals of mineralogy and metallurgy written by Alonso Barba, a lay priest residing in Potosi, and Miguel de Monsalve, a Dominican residing in Lima, this article sets out to analyse a series of ideas concerning alchemy which circulated in Peru in the 17th century and to study the ways in which they were introduced and developed in the viceroyalty. In more general terms, the study aims at analysing the establishment of a corpus of mining knowledge in colonial Peru and the mechanisms of its transmission.

In 1792, Charles IV founded a college in Spain for educating noble Americans. This somewhat premature move aimed at curbing the growing discontent of the criollos. The royal decree did not exclude indigenous nobles. One of them, D. Bartolome Mesa Tupac Yupanqui, asked for a scholarship for his cousin, D. Santiago Phelipe Camilo Tupac Yupanqui. However this scholarship was not granted by the Viceroy. The further actions carried out by D. Bartolome as well as the facts which he concealed, his stubbornness in fighting out his cause as well as the false arguments used by the Viceroy, illustrate the atmosphere of reciprocal suspicion that characterised contemporary Peruvian society still under the effects of the indigenous rebellion of 1780. At the same time it makes manifest the dubious nature of the royal intentions.

This article establishes a general panorama of the considerable theatrical activity in Quechua that took place in Cuzco between 1880 and 1960. It aims at characterising this phenomenon both from an ideological as well as a linguistic point of view and to define it in terms of its historical context. The autor points out the strong ideological relationship which links up this theatrical activity with the literary and linguistic nationalism prevailing in Europe towards the end of the 19th century. At the same time, he indicates a certain number of important diverging factors which oppose these movements.

This article establishes a general panorama of the considerable theatrical activity in Quechua that took place in Cuzco between 1880 and 1960. It aims at characterising this phenomenon both from an ideological as well as a linguistic point of view and to define it in terms of its historical context. The autor points out the strong ideological relationship which links up this theatrical activity with the literary and linguistic nationalism prevailing in Europe towards the end of the 19th century. At the same time, he indicates a certain number of important diverging factors which oppose these movements.

The most frequent representation of Peruvian territory which makes up Peru is that which divides it into three “natural” regions: the coast, the sierra (highlands) and the tropical forest. Hopwever this division and each of its component parts can be interpereted in different ways either orienting political thought towards the notion of a complementary relationship between these three regions and the ecological levels which form them or else towards the unsurmountable barrier that opposes the Andes and the coast (the frontier separating the Andes from the Amazon region has rarely been an important issue). Today, this second “translation” of nature seems to be gaining ground and, in a neoliberal context, the “negative” representation of the Andes as a region of poverty and isolation tends to prevail over the more “positive” one of a territory which permitted the preservation of an authentic indigenous culture.

The most frequent representation of Peruvian territory which makes up Peru is that which divides it into three “natural” regions: the coast, the sierra (highlands) and the tropical forest. Hopwever this division and each of its component parts can be interpereted in different ways either orienting political thought towards the notion of a complementary relationship between these three regions and the ecological levels which form them or else towards the unsurmountable barrier that opposes the Andes and the coast (the frontier separating the Andes from the Amazon region has rarely been an important issue). Today, this second “translation” of nature seems to be gaining ground and, in a neoliberal context, the “negative” representation of the Andes as a region of poverty and isolation tends to prevail over the more “positive” one of a territory which permitted the preservation of an authentic indigenous culture.

The most frequent representation of Peruvian territory which makes up Peru is that which divides it into three “natural” regions: the coast, the sierra (highlands) and the tropical forest. Hopwever this division and each of its component parts can be interpereted in different ways either orienting political thought towards the notion of a complementary relationship between these three regions and the ecological levels which form them or else towards the unsurmountable barrier that opposes the Andes and the coast (the frontier separating the Andes from the Amazon region has rarely been an important issue). Today, this second “translation” of nature seems to be gaining ground and, in a neoliberal context, the “negative” representation of the Andes as a region of poverty and isolation tends to prevail over the more “positive” one of a territory which permitted the preservation of an authentic indigenous culture.