Contenu du sommaire : Regards franco-allemands sur la justice dans la construction européenne | Les élections législatives de 2017 en Allemagne et en Autriche

Understood as a key of reading socio-spatial inequalities, Spatial Justice raises the issue of Justice in the fields of Geography and Land Planning. Although the Marxist Geography has been questioning it since the 1970s, recent scientific studies illustrate new approaches especially in France and Germany. In fact, Spatial Justice covers several research topics and reading grids of spaces and territories. How was this structured field of research? This paper provides a comparative view on its meanings and spatial translations in French and German geography and also an analysis of its application in the field of territorial disparities in France, Germany and in the European Union. A diachronic approach of Spatial Justice (1) is presented in light of its theoretical and methodological frameworks just like its empirical variations (2). Finally this article proposes a discussion about its operational effectiveness at the French, German and European level of Land Planning (3).

This contribution explores the reception of north-American theories of justice in Germany after the fall of the Berlin wall, and especially of the concept of justice developed by John Rawls in the controversy with the communitarian authors. The paper first deals with the historical and political context, in which this reception took place. It questions next the philosophical evolution from a paradigm of justice to a paradigm of recognition, in order to analyse its normative function in the current debates on a fair Europe.

This paper aims to compare the nature of appeals to justice within several institutions which provide job services: employment agencies in France and Germany, and non-profit organizations in France. The relational structure between jobseekers and the representatives of these organizations, as well as the social dispositions of these actors, impact what can and cannot be voiced. Several ideal-types of discourses about injustice can be described in each institution. We show that how injustice is expressed is linked to institutional rules, which determine the actors' protest capacity and the kinds of arguments mobilized.

The concept of justice is unequally divided between the European institutions: some of them mobilize it and some other not. Through a particular attention payed to two central elements of the Europa 2020 strategy (the environmental justice and the labour market politic justice), this article aims to show important common features: environment – such as labour market policies – are depolitized within the publications of the European institutions. In the perspective of supranational community guidelines, French and German goverment produce reports that also falls within a weak approach of capital/labour or environmental conflicts. This comparative study also shows the heterogeneity of different meanings of justice, so as their role in discourses and reception of discourses.

The CDU scored a disappointing election result in September 2017. After the failure to form a «Jamaica coalition», the CDU laid the ground, as in 2013, for a renewed cooperation with the SPD. Against the backdrop of a rising AfD, the events of recent months represent a major political and institutional shift. For many Christian Democrats, the end of the Merkel era is approaching. The Chancellor responded and promoted a new political staff that would seemingly preserve most of her legacy.

This article aims at understanding the evolution of family policy under Angela Merkel. How to explain that a party that calls itself a Christian-democrat leads a family policy that could be described as “social-democratic”? How does the Chancellor's party reconcile adaptation to societal changes and political conservatism? Starting from the concept of political culture, we intend to show that the Christian character of the CDU/CSU is maintained because it merges with the political culture of (West)-Germany born after World War II. It is through the association between the attachment to the fundamental law (Grundgesetz) and the defense of the “dignity” (Würde) of the human being that Christian democracy modernise its political message, but adapts its ideology to societal mutations.

The founding of the AfD (Alternative für Deutschland – Alternative for Germany) and the participation in power of the FPÖ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreich – Freedom Party of Austria) are aspects of the current changes of the political systems in Europe who are put under pressure by left wing as well as nationalist populists. The FPÖ's taking over the governmental power in a coalition with the conservatives of the Liste Kurz has not come as a political surprise. Indeed, since the 2016 presidential elections (with 46.21% of the vote for the FPÖ's candidate), this hypothesis was more than likely in order to put an end to the grand coalition of ÖVP (Österreichische Volkspartei – Austrian People's Party) and SPÖ (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs – Social Democratic Party of Austria). By contrast, the electoral success of the AfD at the 2017 Bundestag elections was a political tsunami. Both parties belong to the family of national-populist formations. Their common basis is the emphasis on a contrast between the people and the elites perceived as two homogeneous and antagonistic groups. Characteristically, their discourse pertains to a “mythic, ideal, or imaginary” people. Besides security policy and authoritarian issues, the topic of (national) identity and its correlate of the rejection of immigration and Islam are at the heart of its propaganda. With these core topics, both AfD and FPÖ have won over a neo-proletarian electorate of losers of globalization as well as a growing fringe of winners of modernization who reject multi-culturalism and immigration.

During the Algerian war of independence (1954-1962) Algerian children and teenagers were sent to France, Western-Germany and Switzerland. In these three countries different actors managed to get Algerian boys and girls out of the war zone and provided them short stays in European holiday camps or host families. Even though all of the organizers had to cooperate with the French authorities, their motivations differed widely. While a psychological action for recovering the “Algérie française” prevailed in metropolitan France, a pro-European and anti-communist propaganda predominated in western Germany. In Switzerland humanitarian action was the most important motive for receiving Algerian minors. These disparate incitements had an important impact on the course of the Algerians short-stays in western Europe as it is shown referring to activities of the Swiss NGO's “Pour Aïn-Touta” and “Terre des Hommes” and the exchanges between the twin towns Metz and Blida, Bad Homburg and Bougie.