Contenu du sommaire

Americanization of the World or Globalization of America ?, by Jean-Marie Guéhenno American power is founded primarily on a model of civilization, which prompts a comparison between Americanization and globalization : the latter is not felt to be a threat by the Americans who, on the contrary, consider it an extension on a global scale of the best of their political experience. This perception is shared by a significant section of the élites in developing countries, for whom it mingles with an "American model" of individual economie success. But this Americanization/globalization is also a severe shock to historical, memory-based communities and it is fragmenting socie-ties, making the work of political - including American — leaders more difficult. The Europeans, who are close to the Americans but more sensitive to the importance of memory-based communities, have a décisive role to play alongside the United States if globalization is to be enshrined in institutions that will give it legitimacy.

One Europe or Several?, by Françoise de La Serre What is the purpose of the "closer cooperation" introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam? Not easy to put into practice when it does exist, lacking in the CFSP and inappropriate for expansion, closer cooperation remains in its infancy. It is as if the Union of Fifteen had contented themselves with posing — without wishing to solve — a problem that will soon be inescapable: that of the vanguard countries which will lead to an expanded Union.

The European Rebound, by Gilles Andréani Europe appears to have emerged from a long period of depression that started with the Treaty of Maastricht and resulted in public opinion being disillusioned about the building of Europe from 1991 to 1996. Now this trend seems to have been reversed for about two years now in the wake of the successful launch of the euro and the "return of the political aspect" in connection with the consequences of the single currency and the revival of the debate about European defence. If this trend is to be Consolidated at a time when "eurorealism" is tending to become prédominant, the EU should take up the challenges of governmental responsibility and those thrown down by the outside world.

Britain and EMU, by Willem Buiter The only real threats to the success and survival of EMU are the perception that the ECB lacks legitimacy. Lack of openness, transparency and accountability are built into the laws and operating procedures of the ECB. In a democratic polity, accountability is a prerequisite for the survival of Central Bank independence. Monetary union involves a transfer of national sovereignty to the supranational centre. The legitimacy of this transfer will depend on the effectiveness with which the European Parliament will exercise its constitutional duty of calling the ECB to account. The UK will join EMU as soon as the UK government can jump the hurdles to membership that it is, regrettably set for itself. There are costs both to the UK and to the current Euroland members of the UK not being an EMU member from the start.

Berlin Republic?, by Michael Mertes The Berlin Republic — a new expression in vogue since Chancellor Schröder's general policy statement - appears to be a semantic strategy aimed at gaining cultural hegemony and heralding an era of social-democratic domination in Germany. It suggests discontinuity and a return to "normality" for Germany after the interlude of the "Bonn Republic". Now this is dangerous and does not take account of the many German traditions in domestic and foreign policy. If the country is to return to "normality", the Germans must accept themselves as a nation and settle the issue of their past and their "divided memory".

Paris and Bonn/Berlin After the Change of Power: Continuity or Renewal?, by Hans-Georg Ehrhart The German voters decided with unexpected clarity last September that the so-called "Berliner Republik" should become red-green at first. Given the election victory of Lionel Jospin in 1997 and the ideological similarities bet-ween the two coalition governments, is there now a chance of a really common Franco-German approach in European and international affairs? An analysis of the coalition treaty of the German Social Democrats (SPD) and the Bündnis 90/Die Grünen shows that notwithstanding some differences both governments have a great deal in common. The new German government is prepared to significantly strengthen the European intégration process. This opens a new perspective for Europe which could become more social, more federal and more empowered. The assumption of the EU presi-dency in January 1999 provides Germany with the opportunity to prove its words by deeds.

Bonn and Paris's Relations With Beijing (1989-1997): Towards a Common Strategy?, by Christoph Nesshöver The article compares the policies of Germany and France towards the People's Republic of China since the repression of the Chinese students' movement in Tiananmen Square in 1989. The author examines the changing relationship between economic and commercial interests on the one hand and human rights concerns on the other. In the case of both Germany and France, a continuous and substantial shift from value-oriented policy focussing on human rights towards a mainly economically driven China policy can be detected in the 1990s with France gradually copying German's political reserve towards Beijing for the sake of securing major business deals. Taking China as an example, the widespread criticism of ageneral "mercantilisation" of Western foreign policy appears to be justified. The prospect of a more coordinated Franco-German (and thus European) China policy appears rather remote in the near future.

The Carrington Report on Implementation of Security Council Décisions, by Jean-Pierre Cot The report submitted by the Carrington Commission examines the weak-nesses of the machinery for implementing the Security Council resolutions taken under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter (sanctions and use of force) and the means of resolving them. There is a dilemma about the implementation of the Council's decisions. It lies in the fact that the latter decides on the mandate for collective action but that in the absence of a standing army, its execution is the responsibility of the Member States. In order to enhance collective security and thus prevent and increase in the number of unilateral interventions, the report advises, first, that priority be given to preventive measures by using force only as a last resort; and secondly, that primacy be given to the Council and the multilateral action capabilities deployed under its authority.

Is ASEAN Dead or Alive?, by Tommy Koh Since the collapse of the Thai Baht in July 1997, the economies of ASEAN have fallen into recession or low growth. Bilateral tensions have arisen between some ASEAN countries. This is not, however, the first time ASEAN has faced a crisis. The ASEAN Summit in Hanoi in December 1998 was a successful one. ASEAN will, again, counfound its critics and emerge stronger than ever from this crisis.