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Servio Berlusconi's arrivai at the head of the Italian Government on 13 May did not fail to provoke numerous reactions. Setting to one side the business magnate's ambiguous ideology and his legal difficulties, it is the unprecedented concentration of political and media power in the same hands which is fuelling the criticism. Certainly, Berlusconi's success is a reflection of the times: a decline in political standards, a lowering of the threshold of sensitivity to a conflict of interests, and a more widespread channelling of influence — this in most western democracies. But, with Berlusconi, Italy is on the way to becoming the laboratory where the confusion of functions, the manipulation of the populace and the anaesthetising of the democratie conscience are pushed furthest.

Vladimir Putin and the West: Towards Pragmatism, by Anne de Tinguy The weakening of Russia, the United States' disaffection for it, the European Union's expansion to the East — which could just as easily be a factor of isolation as a historie opportunity — and Nato's similar encroach have led President Putin to review his country's foreign affairs priorities. The Washington partnership, a symbol of power, was traditionally at the centre of Soviet then Russian policy. Currently, Russia would seem to have no alternative: at the risk of not finding its place in a rapidly changing world, she must somehow integrate herself in Europe. This does not mean renouncing its status of Eurasian state and the "most important country in the CIS". Pragmatism and dynamism, which are meant to compensate for the paucity of means at Russia's disposal, dominate the "Putin method".

Does Putin Know how to Deflect the Russian Trajectory?, by George Sokoloff Since 1997 the Russian economy has gone from crisis to recovery, from slump to recuperation, often frustrating the forecasts of the most highly regarded observers. If, on the other hand, Russia's performance is assessed over long period, that is, since the 1960s, then it would appear that it has got stuck at the level attained under Brezhnev, which is obviously not the case for its competitors on the world stage. It would also seem that Russia has been confined to a mediocre level of economic development, and that, for over a century. In this context, the best that Putin's actions can hope for is to advance Russia to the high position of the "very average" range, in which its economy is positioned in comparison to western economies. But for that, it would be necessary to reform the seriously inefficient civil service, as much on the national as the local scale. It is not certain that the authoritarian drift in power, which has been taking place for two years, is the best way to achieve the essential modernisation of the country's structures.

Global Governance: the Origins of an Idea, by Gilles Andréani A new concept has appeared in the field of international relations: that of global governance. Emerging in the wake of globalisation in the late 20th century, it is intended to bridge the gap between an increasingly unified global marketplace and a System of competing states. But the idea of global governance, if not the term, dates back to the first globalisation of the late 19th century, when this question of divide between marketplace and politics was posed for the first time, not only on the internal scale, but also the international scale. On four occasions during the last century, five authors attempted to close the gap: Norman Angel in the second decade, Hans Kelsen at the end of the Second World War, Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane in the 1970s and David Held in 1995. It is through the work of the precursors of the idea of global governance that are examined the origins of a concept which is the subject of two antagonistic interpretations, each as simplistic as the other: that of the extreme liberals and that of the defenders of sovereignty.

Perceptions of Globalisation in France and the United States, by Eddy Fougier Whereas the globalisation process seems to be gaining in momentum and magnitude in every industrialised country and almost every developing country, it has become one of the main stakes in the democratie debate without public opinion always heard or listened to on the issue. It is thus that in France as in the United States, recent opinion polls indicate a chasm between a certain ruling elite, winch is broadly favourable to globalisation, and a public whose perception, if not always negative, is at least far more qualified. In addition, another chasm has opened up within public opinion between those categories that are relatively well-off and those categories that are relatively less well-off. And globalisation, if it is not the cause of ail the troubles of these latter categories, manages at least to represent a majority of their frustrations, thereby fuelling a crisis in representative democracy wnich is latently taking hold in industrialised countries.

The Corporate Ethics Crusade, by Ethan B. Kapstein In recent years a coalition of non-governmental organizations and activist shareholders have launched an ethical crusade against multinational enterprises. The objective has been to get these corporations to adopt higher standards in such areas as human rights, labor and the environment. That movement has enjoyed some notable successes, but what have been the costs? This article urges us to treat the corporate ethics crusade with skepticism.

Globalisation and Democracy, by Zaki Laïdi Relations between globalisation and democracy are at the very least ambiguous, especially wnen they give rise to analyses that reduce the latter to a single "market democracy". In fact democracy has two dimensions: it is at once procedure and culture. Globalisation no doubt favours the development of world democracy as procedure: free elections and alternating governments have become the political point of reference. But this form of government is merely an outwards indication of democracy, a necessary, but not sufficient, condition, whereas a genuine democratie culture is built on a "long timeframe" and cannot be limited to electoral terms. In this respect, the "world timeframe" considers democracy to be a permanent phenomenon, a "table of offerings à la carte" to be set before eacn individual. Globalisation tends to reduce democracy to a demand to be fulfilled immediately, which delegitimises the notion of democracy as the slow, particular, complex and collective achievement of a nation.

Missile Defence Systems: Strategie Analysis and Interests in Europe, by François Heisbourg American and European analyses on the issue of missile defence tend to diverge considerably. Europeans are sceptical as to the credibility of the threat that the "rogue" states would impose on the present deterrence model. They are not convinced that antimissile weapons would add anything to deterrence, since they would bestow on their holders an increased strategie mobility. They are not convinced that American missile defence should be a 'decoupling' factor, which would then no longer be a central element of their relations with the United States. Europeans are asking questions as to the opportunity cost of this type of defence, particularly with regard to relations with Russia, the impact on Chinese strategy, and the military decisions and budgets concerned. Areas of common interest do exist in the areas of terminal phase Systems and early warning satellites. It is to be hoped that, in each of thèse subjects, Europe should have the will to make its interests known in the discussions underway with its transatlantic ally.

Is the Third Time the Charm? The American Politics of Missile Défense, by James Lindsay President George W. Bush's push to develop defenses against long-range missiles has met a cool reception abroad. But whether he succeeds in his pursuit of an anti-missile shield will d'pend ultimately on whether he can maintain support for his missile defense plans at home. Congressional Democrats can hope to exploit public concerns that defenses are too costly, work poorly, and needlessly aggravate international tensions.

Conflict Prevention, Crisis Management: a European Contribution, by Chris Patten In comparison to the "shadows zones" of globalisation, conflict prevention and crisis management are at the heart of international relations. The European Union must play a part in this important area. Firstly, because the European construction is a model of pacification and stabilisation: by expanding to the East and by promoting integration efforts in other regions (Mercosur), it shows that peace can result from de facto, especially economie, solidarities. The Union has also developed a number of tools for use in conflict prevention : development policy, initiatives in the aftermath of conflicts (construction of schools, railways, sanitary infrastructure). Recently, the Union decided to give priority to an integrated approach to conflict prevention so as to favour stability in all its aspects: democratie, economie, social etc.: the initiative in Colombia is an illustration of this desire. Finally, the Union wishes to intervene more actively in the civil management of crises: a rapid reaction process was created last February and a crisis committee was put in place this summer. The success of this policy dépends to a large extent on solidarity within the Union and a relevant "sharing of tasks" with other international organisations.

Regional Dynamics in the Near and Middle-East and the Limits of Foreign Influence, by Volker Perthes Aside from the troubled state at présent of Israeli-Palestinian relations since the setbacks in the peace process and the resumption of the intifada in October 2000, récent political developments in the Near and Middle East are of major importance for the region's future. Whether it be the creation of the Palestinian Authority, the succession of new Arab political elites, the Gulf War or the Oslo Agreement, the 1990s have seen the emergence of a veritable "regional System of states", bound together as much by security questions and perceptions of risk as by geographical proximity alone. In this context, the influence of foreign powers, in particular, the United States and Europe, reaches its limits very quickly when it does not take into account the interests that are considered vital by the regional players.

Danish Security Policy : International Activism and European Ambiguity, by Sten Rynning Danish security policy has become activist and militarized in the post-Cold War era. Denmark has singled out the UN and Nato as pillars of a new order which is compatible with its 'liberal peasant values'. However, tensions have arisen from divergences between these values and European integration and as a consequence Denmark has opted out of the rapidly developing defense dimension of the EU. The ambiguities of Danish security policy give rise to distinct problems for European countries wishing to coordinate their policies on US missile defense and Baltic stability. A new Danish debate on security and defense policy is unfolding and may represent an opportunity for Denmark and its European partners to shape new responses to common problems.

A Still-Born Project: the European Confederation, by Roland Dumas When François Mitterand launched his European Confederation project on 31 December 1989 immediately following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Old Continent was witnessing the crumbling of structures which had been built up by fifty years of Cold War: Germany was on the eve of reunification, which could not help but turn Europe towards the East; the Soviet Union stood by helpless as a velvet revolution progressed through its soon to be exsatellites; and the United States under George Bush was already taking measures to affirm American leadership in Europe's évolution. In this context, the French President's project aimed, well before the perspective of an east-ward expansion of the European Community - not yet dubbed 'Union' - to offer to the countries of eastern Europe, without excluding the USSR, a specifically European framework of political cooperation - that is to say, without the United States. It was of course the choice of Moscow over Washington that would cause the miscarriage of the European Confederation project, on 13 June 1991 at the Prague Conference, before it had even a chance to be delivered — a victim, perhaps, of its prematurity.