Contenu du sommaire

In fact, unions and employers seem to be in conflict at two levels : the bargaining level (that is, the négociation of short-term benefits) and the questioning of the social order. Through the analysis of the main French unions claims (wages, work conditions, job protection) and conflicts, during the ten last years, the author shows how the conflicts evolve at one level or the other, according to the economic cycles. The periods of crisis are favorable for unions to act on the social order level.

In Mexico, Brazil and Argentina, important recent wild-cat strike movements occasionnally shook the highly bureaucratized unions, and gave evidence of an unexpected radicalization of the working class. Beyond the classical analysis of the relations between spontaneousness and organization, the author studies the characteristics of a spontaneousness which appears, here, to be tied up with the pattern of a «paternalist-populist » society. The change from strikes about purely short-term claims to a large movement of political protest leads to analyse the rising social movements not only as linked to the existing structural conditions, but also to the changes bearing on individuals and organizations.

Generally, women are definite by their husband's occupation. Here, the fact women have, had or never had a job is analysed through their father's occupation, since the first choices about their future jobs are made in the family. The attitudes and behaviors of two strata differ most profoundly : among the white collars at the lowest levels and high levels managers ; the daughters of the first are most likely to be employed in any situation (marriage or not, higher education or not, age or generation...) ; those of the second ones, the least likely. These results, compared with an analysis through the husband's occupation, underline the complexity of the social mobility of women and of the intercross of influences which has been neglected up to now.

Based on the observation of the actors in this social movement, and on the analysis of the «rationale » of their intricate actions, this study gives an explanation for the failure of the movement. The squatters were marginal : migrant workers, young workers having a more or less permanent job, underpriviledged French families... The militants of the leftist organization which led the movement were mostly students, having time to deal with the daily problems of the squatters, who became dependant on them. The militants were using the squatters in order to initiate urban protest, political fight. But other people did not join with marginals, and the public authorities were the more repressive as the students' attendance was manifest. gives an explanation for the failure of the movement. The squatters were marginal : migrant workers, young workers having a more or less permanent job, underpriviledged French families... The militants of the leftist organization which led the movement were mostly students, having time to deal with the daily problems of the squatters, who became dependant on them. The militants were using the squatters in order to initiate urban protest, political fight. But other people did not join with marginals, and the public authorities were the more repressive as the students' attendance was manifest.