Contenu du sommaire

Conflicts and Spheres of Political Activity in Algeria, by Benjamin Stora This article aims to illustrate that a sphere of political activity does exist in Algeria, one that is made up of traditional forces, the present regime, the army and a Democratie movement. This description breaks with the analysis that shows Algeria slipping into mindless violence. The author attempts to foresee several solutions to the dreadful war from which the country suffers.

The Algerian Population's Attitude to War : Poised Waiting, by Lyes Si Zoubir After three years of bloody confrontations that have gradually taken the shape of a civil war, most of the Algerian population still refuse to hecome involved in the conflict that opposes the army and Islamist rebels. This refusal to become involved, explained by the fact that the people simultaneously reject the actual leadership which appears ever less credible and the extremists who commit odious crimes, will certainly not last indefinitely. Indeed with each day that passes, the Algerian citizen feels increasingly compelled to take sides while reprisais and counter-reprisals multiply. As the political situation and the social climate become increasingly frought whole sections of the civil society are liable to slip into violence.

The Algerian State and the Problem of Law, by Ahmed Rouadjia The cult of the « strong » state which taken literally was, until now, the idéal of the governing Algerian élite, has served to suspend the state of law. Founded on a monistic System which prevents political competition, the development of new talents and an autonomous civil society, the « strong » Algerian state has finally proved itself incapable of uniting Algerians. This failure is the source of the present social and political breakdown. Invested by a military oligarchy dressed in civilian clothes, the state that promised restoration has, after thirty years of independence, remained without constitutional legality and popular legitimacy. Relying first upon authoritarianism and then physical violence, the Algerian state currently seems to have run out of breath and is showing signs of decay.

Is Algerian Islamism a Nebulous Concept or a Social Movement ?, by Brahim Younessi International public opinion learnt about the existence of the Algerian Islamist movement from the television when political activity was liberalized in 1989 and discovered the country's violent situation in January 1991 when the democratie electoral process was interrupted. Algeria is divided into two implacably antagonistic camps which challenge and exclude one another on the basis of « otherness ». The notion that each has of order, public space and social normes is completely different. Algeria is going through a serious identity crisis with multiple identities surfacing and rejecting one another. Inflexible thinking and the rent System have left their mark on the hehaviour of political entities and social groups.

Algerian Islamism and Politico-Religious Activities in Morocco, by Abderrahim Hafidi Since the Algerian crisis broke out with its attendant violence, observers of the Maghrebi political scene have feared that Morocco might be in turn affected by the violence. Whilst this possibility cannot be excluded the situation in the two societies must be analysed according to their specifie developments. If this is done, it would seem that Morocco has considerable advantages that will enable it to get to grips with the Islamist problem whilst avoiding the repercussions of the Algerian situation.

What Makes Tunisia Different ?, by Nicole Grimaud Since 1988, Algeria has foundered in an atypical crisis which has been exacerbated by the numerous manipulations of a divided power. Tunisia on the other hand has dealt in a much more thoughtful and original manner with the Islamist threat, present since the time of President Bourguiba. Since 1989 it has managed to develop and experiment with a comprehensive approach that combats Islamism by attacking its underlying causes. A close neighbour of Algeria, Tunisia cannot avoid but be affected by the crisis but its chosen policy should limit most repercussions.

Algeria and Egypt : Similarities and Differences, by Gema Martin-Mufioz This article is a comparative study of the development of the political situation in Algeria and Egypt in the context of the clash between government and Islamist forces. The strategies of the two camps are analysed taking into account the different historical and social movements of the two countries.

France Caught Up in the Algerian Drama, by Alain Chenal Since 1988, Franco-Algerian relations have been marked by a solidarity between the two governments (despite doubts expressed when the Algerian electoral process was interrupted in January 1992) to the point that Paris appears to be the staunchest defender of the ideas of the Algerian government before the international community. In addition, France facing important elections itself wishes, as far as possible, to limit the effects of the Algerian crisis especially with regard to a possible influx into France of Algerian citizens. Recent crises have not really changed this directive which is far from finding unanimous support in French government circles.

Algeria, so Far from Washington..., by José Garçon The United States are often accused of harbouring ambitions in Algeria and having an Algerian policy. Thèse accusations ignore the fact that Algeria is not high on the agenda of American foreign policy since the conflict does not directly threaten American interests. This does not mean to say that the Americans are totally indiffèrent to the Algerian problem. They began to show interest in the country when the electoral process was interrupted in December 1991. With Clinton as president and the worsening of the situation in Algeria, the debate upon how to manage the crisis will intensify. The States condemn the violence « whatever its source » and do not fail to assert that their stratégie support of Israel does not imply that they are hostile to Islam. They refuse ail ideological dogma and call constantly for political dialogue, encouraging a solution to the Algerian crisis which will ensure the stability of the country and the region. In Summer 1994, Clinton brought attention to the absence of differences between the two countries, thereby in a sense « subcontracting » the Algerian problem out to France.

An Economie Analysis of a Europe of Variable Geometry, by Jean Pisani-Ferry A Europe of variable geometry is already a legal, political and monetary reality, while it is admitted that Monetary Union will only cover a subset of European countries initially. The perspective of Union membership by the CEECs will also require differentiated integration. But, integration à la carte is not feasible. A number of different levels of integration could constante a Europe of variable geometry, namely : a customs union, a single market and a monetary union. It may thus be concluded that the varions policies brought together by history may not necessarily be logically associated. Yet, the dynamics of variable geometry raise very complex problems. The possibilities for opting-out of a particular level of integration would necessarily become a constituent principle of integration, while the opting-in should entail conditionality, given the problems it may cause. The solution to such problems lies in fixing objective entry criteria. Overall, variable geometry may be conducive to integration. In the case of monetary union, the structural disparities between the 15 Member States of the Union justify a differentiated approach. It is likely that the constitution of a hard core would lead many other countries to be drawn into this core.

Pragmatic Internationalism : American Public Opinion in the Mid-Nineties, by John E. Rielly According to some of the most important general conclusions from the latest quadrennial survey of American public and leadership opinion sponsored by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, in late 1994, American public and leadership opinion can be summarized as reflecting a «pragmatic internationalism ». Approximately two thirds of the public and almost ail of the leaders still favor an active role for the United States in world affairs. Despite heightened emphasis on domestic concerns, United States results do not reflect a new isolationism. Almost half the public and leaders surveyed say the United States plays a more important role as a world leader today compared to ten years ago.

Japan and Germany : Powers to be Watched ?, by Hanns W. Maull In this article, the author analyses what seems to be a paradox : what many observers outside Japan and Germany see as growing power and assertiveness contrasts starkly with a sensé of vulnerability and limitation in the two countries themselves. The paradox is resolved if the particular nature of the international power of the two countries and the conditions which made their past successes possible are analysed. In the future, the power of Germany and Japan will depend on the decree to which they are able to contribute to a favourable international climate. The two countries will also have to chose the kind of international power they want to be. In reviewing policies over the last few years, the author concludes that so far, the two countries have preferred to cling to their traditional foreign policy orientations as « civilian powers », and have ― with one important exception ― shown little inclination to assume more activist policies. This one exception concerns Germany's strong and persistent efforts to create a stable security environment in Europe.

Is Free Trade Suicidal for France ? What is at Stake with Increased Foreign Trade ?, by François Gave Though French growth depends heavily on foreign trade, protectionist ideas remain deep-seated among policy-makers and in public opinion. Why ? One reason is that gains from trade are far more difficult to assess and less sensitive than costs. But above all, there is a widespread feeling that « unfair » compétition from the South — through the so-called « social and monetary dumping » — depresses the average level of our wages and leads to growing social inequalities (or growing unemployment), which in turn provides strong arguments against the « old fashioned » G A TT. In fact, once these myths are dismissed, free-trade seems to be a scapegoat rather than the real cause of French economie troubles.