Contenu du sommaire : Vichy face aux sociétés coloniales

This article examines Vichy's adaptation of the Chantiers de la Jeunesse for Algerian youth. Facing social tensions and dislocations in Algeria, Vichy officials hoped that the Chantier youth camps could bolster French influence over a particularly sensitive segment of the Algerian population. Through a careful analysis of the priorities and experiences of both institutional and youth actors, a picture emerges of this key project for Vichy's reform of French Algeria. The Chantiers sought to ensure the loyalty of educated Algerian youth by promoting a depoliticized Islamic identity, while providing technical skills to rural Algerians in order to stem rural depopulation. The Allied invasion (1942) put an end to Vichy rule in Algeria. Despite its failure, a close look at the development of Chantier policy in Algeria reveals how rightist programs could be translated to colonial settings.

According to the prevailing historiography, French Guyana passed under the rule of the Vichy Regime following the debacle of May 1940. Through the prism of a study of the functioning of the educational system by means of a close examination of the roles of the various actors involved under the Vichy regime (1940-1943), this article proposes to revisit this widely held truth. It suggests that in Guyana the État français (French State) was more colonial than Vichyist. In other words, the educational policy implemented in the territory displays clear accommodations in the governing of this “old colony” which prompts us to re-evaluate the authoritarianism of the Vichy regime.

This article examines anti-Semitic legislation within the colonial empire during the Second World War by adopting a comprehensive approach. Without disqualifying other methods of undeniable scientific value, here we have decided to test the potential of a broad overview, an approach that is rarely chosen in historiography which, when it comes to this topic, prefers a fragmented perspective of the empire due to the diversity of statutes and contexts involved. This global approach allows us, however, to compare the territories within the empire as well as the policies applied there by Vichy and Free France. It allows us to temper the widely held view that anti-Semitic legislation was produced solely by and for the mainland, and was applied without any form of resistance. Finally, the article examines the position of Free France with regard to this legislation.

At the crossing point between gender studies and feminist research, this article is based on the ethnography of a Parisian squat set up by associations of undocumented individuals and on the longitudinal tracking of a group of squatters with a view to looking at the politicization of women without residence permits. Having retraced the development of the squat and placed it within the context of migration and housing policies, the article sets out, at the scale of the occupation, to analyse the division of household labour and militant work, before then turning its focus to the resources mobilised by these women in order to deal with a life without rights and also with the gendered management practices of the squat. It exposes the social differentiations within the racialized popular classes from the female perspective and the conditions that make these “improbable” engagements possible.

In Canada, the absence of a statute of limitations in criminal law has made it possible, since the 1990s, to build a legal framework that allows the filing of complaints regarding acts that took place several decades earlier. In this article, we focus on trials held in Quebec between 2001 and 2017 for sexual assaults on minors committed within the family between the 1950s and 1980s. The resulting records, conceived as an archive of the silences of the victims and those who knew of the offences, allow to analyse the reasons why the acts did not give rise to any institutional reaction at the time of their commission. They also allow to reconstruct the ways in which these silences are broken, from the path towards the complaint to the evaluation of the words uttered in the courtroom.

In her book Colonial Suspects (2018), Kathleen Keller studies the setting up of a surveillance apparatus in French West Africa in the 1910s to 1930s. However, paying great attention to the paranoia this reveals among the colonizers, she neglects to examine general anti-imperialist mobilizations, the history of which is attracting growing attention. Inversely, the 2013 and 2016 books by Holger Weiss which focus on this area, fail to provide a critique of sources arising from colonial political intelligence. On the basis of these examples, the article calls for an articulation of the history of public action and of collective mobilizations.

This paper proposes to put into perspective the draft LPPR (loi de programmation pluriannuelle de la recherche) and to consider its place within the evolution of statutory laws and regulations concerning the University (from 1808) and research (from the 1930s). This analysis of the legal discourse over the long term shows the slow emergence of statutory guarantees for professors and researchers, as well as the secondary place assigned to these guarantees by the recent “Code de l'éducation” and “Code de la recherche” ; an evolution from statute to contract that the LPPR threatens to seriously accelerate.