Contenu du sommaire : Échos de La Marseillaise : l'héritage des Lumières et de la Révolution française dans les constructions nationales aux XIXe et XXe siècles

In his violent charge against the French Revolution, Edmund Burke elevated the political debate to a philosophical level. His deepest argument consisted in reproaching revolutionaries for sinning by apriorism, seeking to deduce, like geometricians, a new constitution from the abstract principles set out in the Declaration of Human Rights. Taken up by the German disciples of Burke, this criticism of the method adopted by the Constituent Assembly drew from the empiricist postulates of the Anglo-Scottish Enlightenment all the conservative implications already concealed in Hume's political and historical texts. Yet, it is from the outset on this speculative ground that the defence of the right of revolution is played out in Fichte. Reproaching empiricism for reducing the mind to the “blind mechanism of the association of ideas”, passively determined by an exteriority in itself, Fichte intends, on the contrary, to base the experience itself on the activity of an absolutely independent “I-in-itself”. Conceived as a free causality, thus being able to free oneself from Humian “customary conjunctions” in order to begin a new series in the order of phenomena, man, for Fichte, not only has the “faculty of self-improvement”, but the very law of his freedom even makes it his duty. With regard to this categorical imperative of self-improvement, there is no Common Law, nor Ancient Constitution, nor “inheritance from our forefathers” that can stand. Hence, Fichte does not shrink from revolution if these venerable institutions of the past are an obstacle to man's destiny.

A number of British men and women who were active in the movement for parliamentary reform in Great Britain settled in Paris after the fall of the Bastille in July 1789 to witness and take part in the events of the French Revolution at first hand. For some, it was the fall of the monarchy on the 10th of August 1792 that became the catalyst of their political activism on French soil. This article seeks to situate the writings of members of the British community in Paris on the French Revolution within their broader diplomatic and political context. First it examines the way the French Revolution was seen from a British perspective before going on to explore the creation of the political club that brought together British and Irish residents of Paris who were supportive of the French Revolution, which became known by the name “Society of the Friends of Human Rights”. It will then consider the different perspectives offered by British residents on the drafting of the new republican constitution written between October 1792 and February 1793, paying particular consideration to the way in which British observers approached the question of a government based on popular sovereignty. Finally, it sheds light on the way in which these authors – eyewitnesses of the events they reported on – understood the Revolution and how they attempted, through emphasis on the veracity of their accounts, to shape national opinion in their home country.

From the end of the 18th century to 1830, Hispanic America entered the era of Atlantic revolutions. On the shores of Venezuela in the 1790s, the echoes of the French revolutions in Santo Domingo and other West Indian islands contributed to the flowering of revolts and conspiracies with new slogans. The demands for freedom for slaves and equality for mestizos were now part of a new horizon of revolutionary expectation. However, the Hispanic monarchy was still able to mobilise troops in defence of the established order. From 1806 onwards, the Venezuelan Francisco de Miranda, a former general in the French Revolution, tried to coordinate the efforts of the first independence fighters, although without success. The first independence was proclaimed in Caracas in 1811 within a context of dislocation of the Hispanic monarchy following the invasion of Napoleonic troops and conflicts between the Spanish and Hispanic Americans. The patriots proclaimed civil equality by putting an end to the socio-racial categories of the Ancien Regime, whilst maintaining slavery. Only gradually did they incorporate slaves into the armies in exchange for freedom. Despite these armed liberations, the alliance with Haiti and the attempts of Simón Bolívar, independence did not coincide with the abolition of slavery that was finally proclaimed in Venezuela in 1854.

The comments on the French Revolution by the young Marx and Engels are well-known and have been abundantly discussed. However, what is less known is that they belonged to a generation of German intellectual activists who, in the 1830s and 1840s, constantly used the French Enlightenment as a key reference to assess contemporary German philosophy and political life. This article provides an analysis of the two diverging positions on such questions articulated by two representatives of this generation: Ludwig Börne who elaborated a German version of Jacobinism, and Bruno Bauer, a young Hegelian who promoted a German philosophical revolution whose radicalism and spiritual depth was capable of surpassing that of the French Revolution. Thus, as underlined by Lucien Calvié, the relationship of German intellectuals to the French Revolution during the Vormärz (pre-March) appears as an ambiguous one: just as the fox with the grapes in La Fontaine's fable, left-wing Germans viewed revolutionary France with a mixture of envy and frustration.

The terms Jacobin and Jacobinism in political discourse never exclusively refer to the members of the French revolutionary club, or to the often contradictory and changing ideas that were debated there. They have been used over time to designate, often in a derogatory way, some political figures and intellectual currents that sometimes bear only a vague relationship to French revolutionary thought. The political events that marked Switzerland in the years 1847-1848 offer a perfect illustration of the way such terms were constituted as political categories and transposed in the Swiss context as remote echoes of the French Revolution. Still today, the events of the years 1847-1848 are often analysed by scholars or by the public using such categories. This tendency fuels a historiography often tainted with ideological preconceptions. Now, this historiography takes up again, sometimes without hindsight, the terms used by the staunchest contemporary opponents to a Helvetic federal construction who did not hesitate to draw a parallel with the bloodiest episodes of the French Revolution, of which the Jacobins were supposed to be the main protagonists. The use of the terms Jacobin and Jacobinism therefore pertains to a mechanistic and repetitive conception of history and serves to disqualify political actors and currents that stand poles apart from the French revolutionary ideals.

The article examines the impact of the French Enlightenment and the French revolution on the Russian socio-political language, on the literary process of Romanticism in Russia and, finally, on the change of the intellectual paradigm in the second half of the 19th century. The history of the concepts of citizen, of society, and of political opposition is traced from the second half of the 18th century (on the example of Nakaz by Catherine II, the texts by the writer A. Radishchev) to the 1830s (on the example of the political texts of the Decembrists). In conclusion, it is argued that the defeat of the Decembrist's republicanism that was inspired by the French Enlightenment had oriented, in the second half of the 19th century, the Russian intellectuals to the problematics of human diversity and the nationalisation of the Empire. The universal principles of the Enlightenment were replaced by an interest in the human diversity of the Russian Empire that in turn required the development of a specific language and its concepts. However, this turn itself is viewed as a consequence of the reception of the ideas of the French Enlightenment and accelerated by the French Revolution.

The French Revolution, and certain ideas of the Enlightenment, produced a radical change in the meaning of the term geming (revolution) that, becoming a slogan, spawned a new current of thought at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Known belatedly in China, it was first presented as a negative term to preach urgent political reform, then became the subject of polemical debate between reformers and revolutionaries. At the same time, the term geming, which originally referred to "change of heavenly mandate", never ceased to provoke various interpretations depending on the period and the political position of the commentators. The objective of this article is to question the process of transformation of this notion and its adaptation to Chinese reality, in order to better measure what constitutes the legacy of the French Revolution in the construction of modern China.

This article aims to explore the links between Corsica and the French eighteenth century. During the Corsican revolutions, marked by the island's period of independence until the French conquest (1755-1769), the island and its leader Pascal Paoli were admired by the philosophers of the Enlightenment, particularly Voltaire and Rousseau. During the Third Republic, this reference was approached from the perspective of rooting the republican ideal on the island. In September 1889, Corsica experienced an important statuary event with the return to Corsica of the ashes of Paoli. One of the ideological issues at stake was the historiographic reconstruction of the figure. Paoli became, in a teleological and shortened way, the precursor of the French Revolution. After 1945, the French 18th century was still present, albeit in a completely different political configuration. Indeed, the period of the Enlightenment was now mobilised by the nationalist movement of the 1970s in its entirety (autonomists, independentists, and clandestines, etc.). The key quotations of the famous philosophers concerning Corsica were thus reproduced on numerous media, tracts, and manifestos, including within the cultural sphere that was then in full expansion. The slightest publication or claim did not fail to allude to it, the subject asserting itself for the nationalists as a true legitimation of their political project.