Contenu du sommaire : Les suds et les relations internationales

Sant'Egidio in Mozambique : From Charity to Peace-BuildingThe end of the civil war in Mozambique and the building process of a lasting peace were notably made possible thanks to the committed action of Sant'Egidio, an original spiritual community which has now become an essential actor in the resolution of international conflicts. This community, created to assist the most impoverished and vulnerable people of the Roman suburbs, was not predestined to peace-building activities, if it were not for its unique Weltanschauung and operative mode. Sant'Egidio's actions are consistent with the redeployment of Vatican diplomacy and with the redefinition of the Church's role in the public arena, proving that the Vatican's strategy has actually evolved from a discrete position to one of an asserted identity.

France in its Quest for a Nuclear DoctrineThe French nuclear doctrine was devised during the Cold War and its main objective was to face the Soviet threat. Some adjustments have been discreetly introduced after 1990, but the official policy remains the same, making it difficult for France to define accurately the role of its nuclear forces. The risk, in fact, is to dissociate the official objectives and the means put into effect, defining threats according to its available material — instead of acquiring the means that correspond to the actual dangers — and hence failing to avoid a strong contradiction between the Defence policy and the Foreign policy.

The Stick Without the Carrot. A New American Foreign Policy in the Middle East ? Such different events as the elections in Iraq, in the Palestinian territories and in Saudi Arabia, as well as women's recent right to vote in Kuwait, have made many analysts wonder about their connection with the United States' intervention in the region. Is the « democratic wind » currently blowing in the Middle East a consequence of the American policy ? This is far from certain. Yet, the American administration seems to be turning towards a certain kind of pragmatism, without excluding, however, the use of force.

NATO's Enlargement : Consequences for its New Members and for the Structure of the AllianceSince its founding in 1949, NATO has been enlarged five times : ten countries from the former Soviet block have joined the transatlantic alliance successively in 1999 and in 2004. This opening-up to the East is only the beginning of a process that aims at unifying the European space. And three new countries from central and eastern Europe — Albania, Croatia and Macedonia — are expected to join the Alliance in the future, as well as perhaps the Ukraine and Georgia, which belong to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The enlargement of NATO contributes to increase its legitimacy, yet, on the other hand, it makes it less coherent. This situation raises the issues regarding both the role of the Alliance on the international scene as well as its identity alongside the construction of a European security system.

The Gendarmerie, A New Actor in the « Internal-External Security » HorizonThe progressive integration of internal and external security impulses the police forces into a deeper international involvement. Paradoxically, the gendarmerie nationale, a territorial force, is proving to be a major actor in the new « internal-external security » landscape. It is in fact engaged in different operational tasks, such as working abroad, either in cooperation with the police or developing a specialized, technical, bilateral frame, but also participating actively in the formation of each dimension regarding the new European space of liberty, security and justice. Furthermore, the gendarmerie nationale is turning out to be, jointly with the Army, a very efficient instrument for peace-keeping operations, which tend to correspond more and more to police tasks.

Does Europe Make Sense for the Southern Countries ?With the end of the Cold War and the assertion of the United States as a superpower, Europe's role is becoming a serious issue for the other countries of the world. Is the EU able to exist effectively, with a clear and active policy, in a world that pursues an asserted multipolarity ? Can it be considered as the core of the international balance by the different countries of the « South » ? Or is it unable to overcome its divisions and transcend its institutional, economic and social problems ? Is it condemned to accepting the suzerainty of the United States as the Latin American countries did in the past ? Answering these questions inevitably leads to rethink its power strategy, its sovereignty and, ultimately, on its identity.

The Break-Up of the “Souths” and the New International RelationsThe role and the designation of the countries from the South, or “Souths”, have been altered significantly in the post-Cold War era and the globalization context. With the end of both the bipolar conflict and the spirit of the non-aligned movement of Bandoeng (1955), the « Third World », as a concept, has become an empty shell. At the same time, the developing countries are being disbanded into several groups : the Newly Industrialized Countries or emerging powers, the poor or less advanced countries, which are marginalized and wedged into poverty traps, and eventually the failed or the rogue states. Other new regional powers are also rising, among which China, India, Brazil and South Africa, and are aspiring at finding a place and having a say in an international architecture dominated by Western powers.

India, Europe and the World : A Pragmatic Foreign PolicyAlthough the Congress Party is back to power, the Indian Foreign policy is no more guided by the « Nehru paradigm » defined in the post-independence days by the trauma of the colonial past. In charge between 1998 and 2004, the Hindu nationalists have rehabilitated Realpolitik, tested nuclear weapons and promoted a rapprochement with Washington. However, the new widely open diplomacy, which neglects neither Russia, nor China, nor the emerging countries, owns something to the legacy of non-alignement, in a new context where pragmatism prevails. The European Union, a major economic partner, remains an ambiguous power for New Delhi, at a time where India tries to adjust to the new world order, at the best of its interests.

The European Union and Latin America : Distant Partners ?The ties that unite Europe and Latin America are numerous, and yet not enough to make up for the absence of a political frame organizing their partnership. This creates conflicting asymmetries in the context of globalization. If the 1980s were rather optimistic for their relations, the political weakness of the European Union on the international scene, and, even more so, Latin America's, have restrained their rapprochement attempts. In this sense, the post September 11 era reveals an amazing paradox : not only are Latin America's choices far from Washington's concerns, but, furthermore, its position has proven counterproductive, since Germany and France are not the usual defenders of Latin-American causes on the international scene.

What Does Latin America Expect from Europe ? A Mexican PerspectiveThe European Union (EU) is an important political referent and a significant economic partner of Latin American democratic countries. But the establishment of ongoing relations between the two regions is diverted by domestic challenges, hindered by the diversity of the Latin American policies and economies and impeded by the lack of a common foreign policy. Because of its historical and cultural links with Europe, Mexico has designated Europe as the linchpin of its policy of diversification, given its predominant ties with the United States. Yet, if Europe wants to strengthen this partnership and benefit from the confluence of its interests with Latin America, it needs to reinforce its unity and implement a genuine common foreign policy : an essential requirement if it aims at balancing the tremendous weight of the United States.

Appraisal of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Ten Years After the Barcelona SummitA decade after the Barcelona Summit, the relationship between Europe and the countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea seems to have reached a standstill and the statements of principles that were produced on the occasion were only followed by a cooperation gap. The Euro-Mediterranean relations were altered by different elements, such as the September 11th attacks, the failure of the Oslo Agreements, and the enlargement of the European Union. In order to stem such a trend and put an end to the identity withdrawal that a large part of the Arab opinion is currently experiencing, Europe needs to get more actively involved in the cooperation it has implemented with its natural partners of the southern shore of the Mediterranean Sea instead of giving the impression of being mostly interested in the Eastern countries.

The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Ten Years AfterSince it was created during the Barcelona Conference in November 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean partnership is hardly a reality. In spite of the common statements of principles to defend, hardcore of the Barcelona Process, many misunderstandings still remain. The Palestinian issue is at the heart of these difficulties : therefore, to a large extent, the future of the partnership seems to depend on its solution. However, on this matter, Europe's voice appears to be weak and resigned, when compared to the American one. Hence, there is a need to redefine the objectives of the partnership, in order to clarify the relations between the two shores of the Mediterranean Sea and to limit the sources of tension.