Contenu du sommaire : Éducation et sociétés

Éducation et sociétés

• Espace social et "coordinations" - Bertrand Geay p. 2-24
  The Social Space and Primary Teachers' "Co-ordinations". The "co-ordinations" of primary school teachers that were set up in January-February 1987 were an indicator of and an instrument in the challenge to the traditional forms of trade-union representation of this occupational group. This article attempts to describe the many links between the organization of primary schools and the structure of the field of primary-teacher trade-unionism, as well as the diversification of political attitudes that results from the transformation of recruitment to this profession. The development of this new form of labour conflict represented by "co-ordination" can in fact be seen to result from an effort at mobilization which reactivates cultural oppositions arising from transformation of the logics governing access to the primary-teaching profession. The modalities of group formation and the style of the "co-ordinations" can be traced back to the sometimes contradictory constraints of the trade-union activity specific to this occupational group and those of the political System. Starting from a particular but significant case, this article combines statistical analysis with numerous ethnographic observations and brings to light certain tendencies at work in the current transformation of struggles over the representation of social groups.
• Les effets d'une "éducation totale" - Jean-Pierre Faguer p. 25-43
  The Effects of a "Total Education". This article is based on a monographic study of a school founded by the Jesuits in the 16th arrondissement of Paris, whose clientele is drawn mainly from the business bourgeoisie and the aristocracy. In particular it studies the teaching methods applied and the professional and family trajectories, the matrimonial strategies, and the division of family work between spouses, of those graduating from the school with the baccalauréeat in 1961. It also seeks to show how certain private schools can be seen as substitutes for family authority, charged with transmitting a model of education that is made more homogeneous by the fact that the parents share with the teachers the same conception of the role of the family and the school; and that these schools keep their pupils away from all contact with children from other social classes, not only during teaching time but also (it is one of the "specialities" of this kind of school) during most of the leisure activities for which they are responsible.
• Des énarques aux managers - Boubacar Niane p. 44-57
  From Enarques to Managers in Senegal. The third generation of the Senegalese political and administrative elite, largely made up of engineers and "managers", is in the process of dominating the field of power, at the expense of the enarques who themselves ousted the primary teachers, the elite which held sway from 1945-47 until 1962-63, in spite of the policy pursued by the French colonial administration, aimed at preventing the advancement of native personnel. With the restructuring of the education and training System after 1955, teachers progressively lost this privileged position, having failed to understand sufficiently early the changes then under way. Until 1970, enarques dominated the highest levels of the State, before moving into politics within the Socialist par- ty, in power since independence. Since the 1980s, their dominant position has been challenged by the "managers", who are essentially "techno-economists" who have not yet secured genuine politico-administrative power. To acquire this power, the managers are likely to make use, like their predecessors, of certain values and practices of traditional native society, while adapting them to the "business world". These include family or ethnie solidarity, the demands of the "commerce of honour and dignity", the search for the support of traditional or religious personalities, etc.
• A la recherche des clivages occultés - Ivan Bajomi, Lâszlô Bruszt p. 58-68
  A la recherche des clivages occultés. Prenant pour point de départ un conflit dans une Faculté de Budapest au sujet de la réforme de l'enseignement d'une discipline, on tente ici l'exploration des dimensions sociologiques cachées des rapports d'intérêts et des stratégies de carrière marquant l'opposition entre "réformateurs" et "conservateurs" parmi les étudiants et les enseignants. Les prises de position propres aux acteurs du conflit se rattachent en effet plus ou moins manifestement aux positions qu'ils occupent dans le champ universitaire. Ainsi la trajectoire des "réformateurs" qui s'oppose fortement à celle des "conservateurs" se caractérise par une origine sociale "bourgeoise" et citadine, par une excellence scolaire et scientifique objectivée dans de nombreuses publications et dans leur intégration dans les comités directeurs des grandes revues de la discipline, par une orientation résolument théoricienne de leurs travaux, par une bonne consécration scientifique nationale et internationale, par la faiblesse de leur "capital politique", enfin par la relative sur-représentation des juifs pa-mi eux. Loin de relever de choix purement individuels, réformisme et conservatisme participent des destins et des chances sociaux objectifs ainsi que des options professionnelles qui sont au principe de la lutte de concurrence que se livrent en permanence les différentes fractions du personnel de la faculté pour leur reclassement symbolique et pour l'accès aux ressources rares nécessaires à l'activité scientifique.

  In Search of Hidden Divisions. This article starts out from a conflict in a Budapest faculty about the reform of the teaching of a discipline. It endeavours to explore the hidden sociological dimensions of the relations of interest and the career strategies marking the opposition between "reformers" and "conservatives" among students and teachers. The positions taken by the actors in the conflict correspond fairly clearly to the positions they occupy in the university field. Thus, the trajectories of the "reformers", which are strongly opposed to those of the "conservatives", are characterized by "bourgeois", urban origins; by academic and scientific excellence objectified in many publications and their integration into the editorial committees of the major journals of the discipline; by the resolutely theoreticist orientation of their work; by strong national and international scientific consecration; by the weakness of their "political capital"; and by the relative under-repre-sentation of Jews among their number. Far from deriving from purely individual choices, reformism and conservatism are inseparable from the agents' objective social destinies and opportunities and from the professional options which underlie the competitive struggle pernianently waged by the different fractions of the faculty staff with a view to their symbolic upgrading and gaining access to the rare resources necessary for scientific activity.
• Les community colleges américains et la politique de l'inégalité - Steven Brint, Jérôme Karabel p. 69-84
  Les community collèges et la politique de l'inégalité. Le junior ou community college américain (formation en deux ans), dont la création au début du siècle devait permettre d'offrir une voie d'accès vers les filières longues de l'enseignement supérieur (en quatre ans), s'est transformé au cours des vingt dernières années en une institution dispensant une formation professionnelle courte. Pour expliquer cette transformation, les auteurs proposent un "modèle institutionnel" montrant que c'est à l'intérieur d'un champ organisationnel spécifique avec ses contraintes et sa logique propres que s'opère le développement des community colleges, notamment la stratégie de professionnalisation mise en oeuvre par leurs enseignants et leurs administrateurs. Dans le contexte de la dévaluation, au cours des années 70, du titre degraduate sur le marché du travail, cette stratégie vise à s'approprier une part de marché stable à l'intérieur de l'écologie organisationnelle complexe de l'enseignement supérieur amé- ricain, en tenant compte, de manière anticipée, des orientations qui sont prises à l'échelle de l'Etat et surtout des grandes entreprises privées. L'article examine enfin les implications de cette transformation en montrant qu'une professionnalisation excessive de ces collèges, en diminuant les chances de mobilité pour un grand nombre de leurs étudiants d'origine ouvrière ou venant des minorités, irait à l'encontre des idéaux démocratiques dont se réclament ces collèges et qui leur valent le soutien du public, tandis qu'un renforcement des filières-passerelles serait plus conforme à ces idéaux, à condition de rendre parfaitement transparent le rôle de sélection scolaire et sociale joué par ces institutions d'enseignement supérieur. L'histoire du community college montre bien qu'il est sans cesse pris entre les pressions contradictoires du capitalisme et de la démocratie, lieu privilégié de conflits entre forces opposées.

  The Community College and the politics of inequality. The American two year "junior" or "community" college, which originated at the turn of the century as a liberal-arts institution oriented to transfer to four-year colleges, has in the past two decades become transformed into a predominantly terminal vocational institution. Rejecting both "consumer-choice" and "business-domination" models of the sources of this transformation, the authors propose an "institutional model" which emphasizes that organizations can take on a logic of their own and pursue their own distinctive interests. Within this framework, community colleges are seen as operating within a specific organizational field which shapes and constrains patterns of institutional development. Within these constraints, the ideologies and interests of educators and administrators are seen as crucial factors in shaping the strategy of vocationalization as a means of insuring a stable market niche within the complex organizational ecology of American higher education. This strategy, which was realized in the context of the objective downturn in the labor market prospects of college graduates which oc- curred in the 1970s, acknowledged the structural power of the state and especially big business. The vocationalization of the community college is thus cited as an example of anticipatory subordination, the tendency of dependent institutions to channel their development along lines compatible with the perceived preferences of more powerful institutions. This article concludes with a discussion of the implications of this transformation for the democratic ideals which are the source of much of the popular support for the community college. Further vocationalization, it is suggested, will have negative effects of the mobility chances of the large number of minority and working-class students who attend two-year institutions. Instead, transfer programs should be strengthened and the role that institutions of higher education, including community colleges, play in the process of educational and social selection should be rendered more transparent. Buffeted throughout its history by the contradictory pressures of capitalism and democracy, the community college is -and will remain- an arena of conflicting forces.
• Les universitaires et les élections professionnelles - Jean-Yves Merindol p. 85-91
  University Teachers and University Elections. French university teachers take part in many, varied and frequent elections of representatives among their own number. It is interesting to discover how the electoral power relations have altered as the universities have themselves changed over the years. First, there have been demographic changes, since a quarter of the present teachers have been appointed in the last ten years; ideological changes ensue from this, since these newcomers did not play a direct part in the major battles of 1968-80 over the university System. The article shows how the two blocs which were dominant just after May 1968, on the one hand the "anti-Marxist" forces and on the other the union SNES-SUP (whose executive had a Communist majority from 1969) were severely weakened. This bipolar structure gave way to more complex power relations; the on-going recompositions are analysed in more detail through the elections of the last three years.
• "Que deviendront-ils ?" - Gabrielle Balazs, Jean-Pierre Faguer p. 92-97
  "What Will Become of Them?" What are the effects of appearing on television, for ordinary people, representatives of groups without official spokesmen, such as the young, the unemployed, the poor, etc.? Analysis of the television series "Que deviendront-ils?", which since 1984 has followed the progress of a class of children then in the first year of a Paris lycee, shows how television transforms the bodies, the self-presentation and even the educational and occupational choices of these "anonymous celebrities".
• Savoir durer - Christophe Charle p. 99-105
  Savoir durer : la nationalisation de l'Ecole libre des sciences politiques. Une étude de la nationalisation de l'Ecole libre des sciences politiques, fondée sur les témoignages des ac- teurs et les archives de Sciences-Po, permet de comprendre le contraste entre un processus de réforme ou de remise en question quasi permanent des mécanismes de formation et de sélection de la haute administration et la persistance, par-delà les régimes ou les changements politiques, des tendances dominantes à la reproduction des élites administratives et du culte de l'Etat à la française. Les débats et les projets de réforme entre 1936 et 1945 montrent que les acteurs réels avaient conscience des enjeux sociaux cachés derrière les diverses solutions essayées, proposées et finalement adoptées. En 1945, les dirigeants de la rue Saint-Guillaume, après une première tentative gouvernementale de réforme en 1936, se résignent au passage sous contrôle public, mais en jouant sur la rapidité nécessaire à la mise en place de la réforme et sur le capital culturel, symbolique et social accumulé par l'Ecole pour éviter la solution radicale de la "nationalisation-sanction" alors proposée par les communistes, ce qui leur permet d'infléchir la solution administrative choisie (création d'une fondation chapeautant le nouvel Institut d'études politiques) pour préserver au maximum l'autonomie et l'originalité du fonctionnement de l'ancienne école libre nationalisée. La facilité de la nationalisation de l'Ecole libre des sciences politiques et le succès de son débouché public, l'ENA, s'expliquent par le fait que, contrairement à ce qui s'est produit pour l'ENA de 1848, ces deux innovations ne se heurtaient à aucune des forces sociales ou politiques en présence qui, bien au contraire, croyaient pouvoir chacune en tirer profit. Pourtant la solution choisie ne remettait en fait pas réellement en cause le mode de recrutement de la future élite administrative qui est encore aujourd'hui inchangé.

  dless of regimes or political changes, of the tendencies dominating the reproduction of the administrative elites and of the French-style cult of the State. The debates and reform projects between 1936 and 1945 show that the real actors were aware of the social stakes hidden behind the various solutions that were tried out, put forward and finally adopted. After a first attempt at reform by the Government in 1936, in 1945 the directors of the school resigned themselves to passing under public control, but they played on the speed needed to set up the reform and on the cultural, symbolic and social capital accumulated by the school in order to avoid the "punitive nationalization" then proposed by the Communists. This enabled them to inflect the administrative solution then chosen (the creation of a foundation overseeing the new Institut d'etudes politiques) so as to preserve as much as possible of the autonomy and originality of the functioning of the nationalized "école libre". The ease with which the school was nationalized, and the success of its public-sector outlet, the Ecole Nationale d'Administration, can be explained by the fact that, in contrast to what happened to the ENA of 1848, these two innovations did not run counter to any of the social or political forces then present. On the contrary, the latter each thought they could draw advantage from them. However, the solution chosen did not really call into question the mode of recruitment of the future administrative elite, which is still unchanged today.
• Une "nation de juristes" - Victor Karady p. 106-124
  Une "nation de juristes". A partir d'informations historiques et d'enquêtes sur le recrutement des étudiants en droit de 1867 à 1945, cette étude se propose de donner un sens sociologique au vieux stéréotype identifiant les élites hongroises à une "nation de juristes". Le poids excessif des juristes dans ces élites repose sur le sur-développement des écoles et des facultés juridiques et sur l'importance accordée au droit par la noblesse à la fois comme instrument de gestion de l'Etat, comme moyen de légitimation méritocratique de son pouvoir et comme mode de reconversion dans la bureaucratie pour ses éléments économiquement ruinés. Les marchés juridiques se diversifient et s'autonomisent avec l'entrée des allogènes, surtout des Allemands (qui font carrière dans la fonction publique) et des juifs (qui dominent le barreau). La crise qui frappe les classes moyennes diplômées pas plus que l'antisémitisme politique et universitaire ne réussissent à éliminer le droit parmi les choix professionnels préférentiels des candidats aux études supérieures entre les deux guerres.

  A "Nation of Lawyers". Based on historical information and surveys on the recruitment of law students between 1867 and 1945, this article aims to give a sociological meaning to the old stereotype of the Hungarian elites as "a nation of lawyers". The preponderance of lawyers within these elites is based on the over-development of law schools and faculties and on the importance given to law by the nobility, as an instrument for managing the State, as a means of meritocratic legitimation of its power, and as a mode of conversion into the bureaucracy for its economically ruined elements. The legal markets were diversified and autonomized by the entry of outsiders, especially Germans (who made their careers in the civil service) and Jews (who dominated the bar). Neither the crisis which struck the educationally qualified middle classes nor political and academic anti-semitism succeeded in eliminating law as one of the preferred occupational choices of candidates for higher education in the inter-war period.
• La romanistique allemande sous le Troisième Reich - Joseph Jurt p. 125-128