Contenu du sommaire : Numéro spécial. Droite, nouvelle droite, extrême droite. Discours et idéologie en France et en Italie

THEORETICAL AND DOCTRINAL REFERENCES OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN ITALY The Radical Right in post-war Italy was born as the direct heir to Fascism, of which especially the revolutionary aspect was extolled, or, alternatively, its posturing as a " Third Way » between capitalism and communism. J. Evola, the most important intellectual influence on post-war groups, represents another viewpoint, the traditionalist one : for him the ideal state is organic, hierarchical, ruled by an elite patterned after the medieval Orders, a contemporary form of which is seen in the Nazi SS. Radical rejection of the modem world, anti-equalitarianism, right-wing anarchism are the teachings transmitted by such " disciples " as A. Romualdi and F. Freda. Contemporary radical-right groups, in their search for founding myths do not look so much to Italian Fascism (whose myth-building power was weak). They turn instead to German Nazism and a-typical Fascisms, such as the Spanish Falange and, above all, the Rumanian Iron Guard. The " political soldier " and the warrior are the models such group embrace in the last stages of their nihilist credo. F. Freda goes to the point of advocating an alliance with the extreme left in anti-bourgeois (armed) struggle ; it is the paradoxal result of a reading of a politia as violent rejection of the system. Armed spontaneism (cf. Quex) at this point, becomes a logical consequence. Action for its own sake, combat as an existential value in itself, inspire Evola's epigones, new legionaires of a holy war revived through the Aryan myths. Key-words : radical right, fascism, Italy, socio-politics.

THE « NEW-LOOK » OF ITALIAN NEO-FASCISM. THEMES, STYLES AND SOURCES OF RECENT EXTREME RIGHT PROPAGANDA As well as its language, the graphic propaganda of the neo-fascist Italian party, the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) has shown a real change from the « epic-machist-fascist » style of the 1930' s . MSI posters upon divorce (1974), women (1975), terrorism (1979, 1981), drugs (1981), repression (1983) bring to the fore new themes (Christian iconography), new graphic designs (« artistic » rather than « realistic »), borrowings from leftist posters and slogans. But this modernization is also a camouflage : many graphic features or allusions show that the MSI has not repudiated its origins.

MARKS AND FUNCTIONS OF THE OTHER'S TEXT IN THE PRESS OF THE RIGHT AND EXTREME- RIGHT WING (1973-1982) The comparative analysis of the forms of reported speech in a sample of leading articles of the political press brings to light the strategies used by the right-wing circles from the beginning of 1970's in their attempt to strengthen their ideological foundations. First of all formal similarities are underlined in 3 newspapers, La Lettre de la Nation, Le National, Militant which present an essentially negative and polemical image of the Other ; L'Appel and Eléments make a clearly positive use of the other's words, the former to perpetuate the Gaullist myth, the latter to start a new political right reflection. In the leading articles of Le Figaro explicit reference to the Other is systematically erased. From a more global point of view one sets apart amongst speech strategies those with an offensive character (Eléments, Le National, Militant) ; those which advocate legitimity (Le Figaro, La Lettre de la that L'Appel dedicated to the defense its inspirer.

WHOM ARE YOU RELATED WITH ? In order to determine who is related to whom in the field of lexical and phraseological usages, one of the possible methods is to compare a series of discourse samples using factor analysis of correspondences. In this case, the isolated textual word is the unit that is counted. The study, of a corpus of leading articles of French right-wing press, does not yield quite the same results when one works on the forms alone as when one starts with chains of recurring words (i.e. iterated segments). When the first counting method is used, it is the abstract lexical system of the New Right - represented by two samples from Elements - which determines the main opposition ; when the second is used, it is rather extreme rightist phraseology which sets up the first difference between Militant and the others (Elements of course and also La Lettre de la Nation, Le Figaro and L'Appel). When it comes to essentials, however both analyses converge : in both the New Right and the extreme right wing, antagonistic but marginalised as they are, one finds the same rejection of the political discourse of the traditional right wing movements.

NATIONAL IDENTITY FRAMED IN THE LOGICS OF RACISATION The cross-roads term « identity », both essential and abstruse, gives place to some paradoxes in the field of ideologico-political discourse. The antinomy between individuo-universalism (absolutization of individual) and communitarism (absolutization of an exclusive type of group belonging) mainly underlies most of the conflicts taking the form of the opposition nationalism-racismlhumanitarism-antiracism. Three operations characterize the last fifteen years of French racist speeches : the « racialization » of vocabularies of culture, religion, traditions and mentalities ; the rhetorical shifting from the inegalitarian argument to the differencialist argument - (Mixophobia is the term suggested for designating the presently dominant form of racism integrated in nationalism, the bible of which being propagated by the national-populist discourse (Le Pen) and legitimated by the differentialism of the New Right) - ; the systematic use of a strategy of « retortion », defined as an operation of re-using- appropriation, self-legitimation and dis-legitimation of the ennemy. When interweaving nationalism and racism, the racist arguments can both justify and contest nationalist doctrines in the name of bio-anthropological sciences. An analysis of J.M. Le Pen's recent texts cause to distinguish three logics of racisation : differentialist, preferentialist and inequalitist.

THE « HIERARCHY OF FEELINGS This work is based upon a study of various texts but mainly on leading articles from the « Front National ». It shows the discrimatory aspects of its language, marked by Barrès's political heritage. The stress put on the relation to the land expresses an obsession of racial unity ; the nationalistic values, extended to the whole of western Europe, cover eugenic preoccupations. As a result, a new definition is given to the word immigré. The foreigner is characterized in an alarmist way. This impression is reinforced by images of catastrophes and by the description, far from symbolic, of a state of war. Concealed behind arguments that pretend to reveal the real meaning of anti-racism, behind a careful selection of terms, behind euphemisms, we can discover the racist implications of such a discourse. For the political family to which the « Front National » belongs, but also for a public opinion influenced by racist themes, the connection J.-M. Le Pen suggests between « what is thought » and « what he says » creates a feeling of mutual understanding that goes beyond and clarifies the ambiguities of the literal meaning. This strategy of hints and implicit conclusions is convenient in so far it can always be denied ; but it is also liable to slips which clearly reveal, if necessary, that the « Front National », in spite of J.-M. Le Pen's denials, is linked to the tradition of xenophobic extremism.

CONTREPOINT OR THE ART OF BEING REPUBLICAN Contrepoint, non official magazine of the Club de l'horloge, denies the existence of a division between left and right and substitutes it with the opposition republic vs socialism. Focusing its analysis on this binomial, Contrepoint supports the basic values of the republican tradition which are hardly compatible with the socialist ideology : the " majority values " (Freedom, Brotherhood and Equality) and the " Key values " (Security, Property and Resistance to oppression). To secure the respect of these values, the Republican State should give way to the Nation as defined by the concept of the nationalist Right of the III Republic. In so far as the " humanist " current in French socialism, which has always coexisted with the revolutionary antidemocratic forces is overcome by the latter, it is becoming dangerous for the Republic and it might possibly develop into totalitarianism.

EUROPEANISM, NATIONALISM AND LIBERALISM IN THE LEADING ARTICLES OF LOUIS PAUWELS IN THE FIGARO MAGAZINE (1977-84) Since 1968, the Figaro Magazine, played a major role in the strategy of the New Right to reconquer French mentalities. From 1977 to 1980, we can distinguish a first neo-paganist ideological period during which Louis Pauwels develops some racist arguments founded on the notions of identity and difference. At the same time he defends his thesis in favour of an organicist hierarchical society. His aristocratical contempt for the masses and his anti-judeochristian convictions lead him to consider the americano-Russian levelling model as carrying out the universalist philosophers. The victory of the left wing in 1981, reveals in Louis Pauwels discourse a change of perspective expressed in the giving up of his pro-germanist positions for the benefit of an activist pro-American attitude. Louis Pauwels is in favour of Reagan and a fervent admirer of Mrs. Thatcher. He develops the same ideas of inequality, but this time, on the basis of social selection in the style of Darwin, focused on the struggle between individuals.