Contenu du sommaire : Discours présidentiels et de présidentielles

The aim of this article is to show how the research works about the discourses at the time of the French presidential elections explore the genre of the electoral declarations of principles, seen as texts of self-promotion. These research works privilege the methodology of discourse analysis to study three of their dimensions. At first, they are interested in their staging of the candidates, through the image which they elaborate about themselves by means of linguistic and iconic processes. Further, they elucidate the political positionings revealed by the lexical contents and the argumentative strategies of these electoral declarations of principles. At last, they analyze their communicational device which oscillates between a self-centred communication and a strong interactivity in their request of the public opinion.

This paper sets out to outline the key features of the research undertaken over the last thirty years revealing that thinking on gender thoroughly renews politics and political approach. The research dwells on an overlooked element that constitutes masculinity at the heart of the process of setting up political legitimacy in general and particularly presidential legitimacy and at the same time it explores the ambivalences of the usages of femininity. So many leads outlined here that now have become the focus of research on gender: imaginary of power, role of the media, intersection, gender and discourse, political fiction, to name but a few.

This paper aims to make an inventory of the researches related to the uses of emotional appeals in presidential campaigns. It focuses on two kinds of approaches developed in different scientific fields. The first ones pay attention to the strategic uses of affective appeal by the candidates. The second ones lay the emphasis on the emotions the voters experiment when they listen the political discourses.

Since the 1970's, the research in sociology and communication has been questioning the media's influence during electoral campaigns. According to the agenda-setting theory, the media focus the citizen's attention on a limited set of issues. By doing that, media would have an influence on the way people evaluate and compare the different candidates. The intention of this article is to describe the development of the research from the first agenda-setting theory to its contemporary extensions (taking into account relations between media, politicians and public opinion on the one hand and on the other, taking into account relations between agenda and framing).

On the background of the last two campaigns for the presidential election in France and by means of recent academic research exceeding the national context, this article presents some of the global stakes in connection with the greater diversity of tools or the extensions created for Internet as specific media, with always the television as central pole, even though it's initiating new formats. After a return to the mediatization in terms of influence, are reviewed some of the consequences as for the enunciative positions of the concerned actors. The accent is put in parallel on the naming of these emergent forms of political and media communication as much as on that of the individuals or groups who take part in it.

This article demonstrates the central place occupied by the literature in the construction of the presidential role. In the course of the history of the Fifth Republic, several models followed one another: the president-writer with a double charisma (the general de Gaulle); the leader of political party conjugating the literary ambition and the duty to speak in the name of a collective (François Mitterrand); the current political personalities juxtaposing political programmes and autobiographies.

The Televised debate between France's presidential election rivals brings into opposition candidates who have both to keep their own political identity and federate most of the voters. Through a textometric analysis of the six debates (1974-2012), we question the broached issues and strategies along with the place on the long term of political platforms.

This paper characterizes François Hollande's campaign speech versus his presidential address. Also, it compares the talk of the last president of the Fifth Republic to that of his predecessors in the Elysee Palace both while campaigning to be president and as president. Results of a logometric approach of the corpus show, historically, the new pregnancy of the economic vocabulary in Hollande or Sarkozy's speeches, whatever the conditions of enunciation.

In 1974, reporter and photographer Raymond Depardon (prior to his cinematographic career) followed candidate Giscard d'Estaing in his quest for presidential power. Over the days of filming then mainly when editing Depardon got rid of the media codes so as to make an intimate portrait movie: a full-fledged author point of view where political discourse has become less important than the display of backstage and rituals that usually characterize an electoral campaign.

Often staged in TV series, the US President even became one of the main characters. The presidential speech is « seized » by fiction. But, this representation participates in the building of a presidential imagination. TV series can help to understand some election issues, how to run a campaign, the presidential function itself and the meanings of this function. That's also what the scope of works on TV series show.

Whether it bears the name permanent campaign or going public, the discursive act is at the heart of the strategies of governing modern American presidency. In an extremely polarized political realm where potential sources of power have become commonplace and where citizens are obviously no longer interested in politics, what place and what form should be granted to eloquence? This article dwells on the transformations undergone by the political communication strategies of presidents in an era of partisan media often symbolized by the founding in 1996 of conservative TV channel, Fox News) and the internet (since Clinton's presidency).

In the United States, incumbent presidents who run for a second term are not always reelected but enjoy a statistically significant advantage over their opponents. They resort to incumbent strategies which emphasize the dignity of the office, ceremonial speeches and crisis management in order to try and win a second term. Although French presidents have sometimes imitated these strategies, differences between the two political systems should caution us against assuming such strategies work in France.

The Portuguese Republic was established on October 5, 1910, as a result of a coup that ended eight centuries of monarchy. Studies on the republican institution and particularly on presidential speeches are still few and recent. Specifics of the policy framework, a semi-presidential regime, allow clarify and justify this relative marginalization of presidential speeches as research subjects, a situation which, however, is changing. From a multidisciplinary perspective, we aim to make a synthesis of theoretical and methodological research of presidential speeches in Portugal, mainly of preferred discursive genres approaches, methodologies used and the results obtained.

The discourse of Polish presidential election campaigns has been studied in Poland since the 1990s. Investigators in the fields of political science, communication science, sociology and rhetoric always compare it with the speech used in Communist propaganda in the 1970s and 1980s. The analysis of the discourse used during the presidential elections concentrates on the televised debate between candidates, is interdiciplinary in scope, draws on the tools of rhetoric and attaches great importance to the ethical dimension of political communication.

One common feature of all presidents of Argentina, regardless of their trajectories and political orientations, is their creative vocation. This vocation can refer either to the tendency of Argentinian politicians to call for a return to the supposed Golden Age of their country, which was the case for the majority of the presidents with variation in sense and intensity depending on the context; or to existing political projects trying to draw a line between a demonised past and a promising future. This article discusses different research in discourse analysis that focusses on this fundamental subject of the Argentinian political discourse since the democratic transition in 1983.