Contenu du sommaire : De la communication en diplomatie

A character skilled in verbal strategy and other rhetorical contortions who appears throughout Gary's work, the diplomat is first and foremost concerned about how his activities are viewed by others ; he is preoccupied less with changing reality than with changing how reality is perceived. Although the “bell jar” of diplomatic immunity protects him, it also makes him a powerless spectator of a world headed for ruin, forcing him to give up on his ideals and incriminate himself with torturers or collude with a world built on lies and hypocrisy. The succession of disavowals and the detachment his position requires wear him down; they end up changing his relationship to reality and damaging his psychological integrity.

A netnographic analysis of tweets published in 2017 in two Twitter accounts held by Chinese diplomats based in Brussels and Ottawa highlights the polyphonic nature of Chinese diplomacy's digital social media strategy. The accounts of these diplomats embody a modern and friendly approach to public diplomacy, which breathes new life into propaganda as a genre. They are the tip of the iceberg of China's soft power strategies. Beijing continues to rely on forms of censorship and self-censorship that condition Chinese public discourse and stipulate that it be perfectly sleek and harmonious. This strategic dimension is likely to be well-received by foreign leaders and nationals. At the same time, these Twitter accounts permit conversations to begin and give a human face to the Chinese superpower.

The display of the rainbow flag – the international symbol of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender social movements – by the embassies and representative bodies of sending states on the territory of certain receiving states is a new phenomenon in contemporary diplomatic practice. This study focuses on diplomatic communication, exploring the objectives of sending states that choose to make use of the rainbow flag, along with the question of its intended audience and the reasons that motivate this communication choice.

With a population of 1.4 million residents and a territory of 45,000 square kilometers, Estonia has a limited sphere of diplomatic action in the European system and on the world stage. The country has nevertheless developed a marked ability to get its message across, even informally, through the use of what is known as “nation branding,” or national marketing, especially in certain sectors. This article examines Estonia's ability to construct a national myth and to promote it internationally, making use of messages about the national cuisine, culture, and business environment, with an emphasis on the country's development of a truly unique approach to e-government. These messages allow for an engagement with a form of branding diplomacy that drives a series of transformations that would have occurred much more slowly if they had only been managed by the government.

A novel concept linked to a contemporary approach to parliamentary action, parliamentary diplomacy is a skillful complement to traditional diplomacy, which is a core competence of executive branch officials involved in managing state affairs. Justifying its legal basis through public law in general and parliamentary law in particular, parliamentary diplomacy is an endorsement of the growing internationalization of parliamentary action and serves as an effective support for the democratization of the international scene.

The phenomenon of globalization, in conjunction with the economic and political transformations of recent decades, has involved the emergence of a new form of diplomacy that is driven by businesses in competitive markets. Business diplomacy has become indispensable, and is now established as a new means for economic leaders and public authorities to interact and develop relations. The importance of political and economic factors in the growth of a corporation is the product of international negotiations. However, in this context, the private sector has responsibilities in relation to issues of human rights and the conditions in host countries. To what extent can big business contribute to the development of this new diplomacy?

Starting with Libaert's (2014) assessment of the low informational value that can be attributed to institutional communication about corporate social responsibility (CSR), we explore the social and moral constructs that inform the discursive mix in use in this context. Borrowing from the discourses of diplomacy and advertising enables organizations to position themselves, with varying degrees of success, as the inescapable crossing points for conservation of the environment and human rights.

The relationship between the respective challenges faced by scientific research and diplomacy involves what has now come to be known as “scientific diplomacy.” This text aims to provide a better understanding of this new and still-unfamiliar concept, by exploring the dual logic that underlies scientific diplomacy. It is collaborative because different countries need to get along with each other and cooperate, especially when it comes to dealing with threats to the survival of humanity. It is also competitive, when national defense and the promotion of national interests are at the forefront, as is illustrated by policies designed to increase the drawing power of a country's scientific endeavors.

State or sovereign nation diplomacy, which had long been an arena reserved for politicians, has never stopped evolving and changing. New actors, including non-state actors, have emerged on the scene. Further, modern means and methods of communication have played a role in revolutionizing diplomatic activity. In this context of internationalization and globalization, something completely novel has grown up in this field: non-governmental humanitarian diplomacy 2.0. The initiatives undertaken by these non-state organizations and their proven success demonstrate that new practices, new modes of communication (especially via the Internet), and new forms of discourse are being constructed. The humanitarian sphere is now integrating digital technology, thereby raising the profile of collective responsibility and providing evidence for the existence of a transnational social movement of cyber-citizens.

The Élysée Treaty can be viewed as a prime example of successful communication in Franco-German diplomacy, from the moment of its conception to the commemoration of the 55th anniversary of its signing. Analysis of political and media discourses reveals that the Treaty set the ground for the reconciliation of the respective governments and civil societies of France and Germany, although the cooperation it introduced also brought about recurrent phases of incommunication. Franco-German friendship remains a reality and stands as a tangible proof of the emergence of new actors on the scene of foreign relations. In an era of historicization and in a context of EU crisis, some have once again wanted to view the Treaty as a patent failure. However, incommunication has always been overcome not only by the states but also by regions and actors from civil society. The Treaty has continued to expand and even to be renewed, as Emmanuel Macron and Angela Merkel have planned. These new Franco-German partners have once again been able to provide a positive image of a duo working together, an image that has become legendary for Europeans.

This article uses the concepts of “communication” and “incommunication” developed by Dominique Wolton in order to examine the relations between the European Union and Russia in the aftermath of the Ukrainian crisis and the sanctions against Russia. These two concepts not only provide a frame of reference for approaching the state of relations between the two (former) partners, but also serve as keys for rethinking the nature of these relations in other terms.

This article examines the connection between Bulgarian diplomatic discourse about Russia and the divide between those who embrace and those who reject Russia in contemporary Bulgarian society. This divide is part of a long political history, which has been going on since the country's independence, and which has become particularly significant at present as a result of the growing tensions between the Russia of Vladimir Putin and the Western allies. Over the last decade, Bulgarian governments have adopted a relatively neutral position, while also declaring their allegiance to NATO and the EU.

One of the most significant specific limitations of the European Neighborhood Policy is the inadequacy of the European Union's relationship with Russia. From this perspective, this article suggests how the European Union's public diplomacy towards Russia can be reoriented, as a dimension of the EU's strategic communication. Empirical research conducted through direct interviews with Russian experts has brought out a key concept: “anti-revolutionism,” understood as an essential trait of the collective mentality of the Russian people.

UNESCO has an organic relationship with think tanks, one that involves a mutual reinforcing of their respective authority as educational, cultural and scientific institutions which are open to the voices of citizens and are both involved in the world and apolitical. Participating in the activities of an international organization that calls itself a laboratory of innovative ideas and also plays this role, think tanks promote a model of democratic debate, irrespective of the originality and relevance of their proposals.

Sports, driven by humanitarian values and an ability to inspire support, involvement and emotion, have become communication tools for the diplomatic aims of many countries (China, Korea, Russia, and, more recently, countries of the Arabo-Persian Gulf). Sports are a tool for a diplomacy of influence and mediation. Qatar is noteworthy in having gone beyond this, making sports a major diplomatic axis that provides the country with international recognition, affirms its role as a regional player, contributes to its security and becomes a sort of all-purpose safety valve for tension in the short and medium terms.Qatar's sports diplomacy delivers a positive message that nevertheless can get scrambled by the contradiction between the values of sport that are emphasized (respect, progress, fairness, etc.) and the social and political situation in a country where labor rights and the situation of women and foreigners remain problematic. This contradiction has been revealed in the preparations for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, which have shed light on the kafala system in particular.

The diplomatic success of international solidarity nongovernmental organizations (IS-NGOs) can to some extent be explained by their use of a form of persuasive communication or lobbying. The effectiveness of these organizations should not conceal their real lack of power, i.e., their inability to change either the behavior of citizens or the mindset that serves as the basis of the actions of international institutions. As we shall attempt to show, these phenomena are connected: the condition of the effectiveness of IS-NGO diplomatic communication is, in fact, that it takes part in a vision of communication that focuses on persuasion and mutual intelligibility. Yet this approach itself serves to reinforce stereotypes and perpetuates an international approach borrowed from colonialism. In this sense, IS-NGO diplomatic communication cannot be seen as helping to build the world of solidarity they themselves advocate. This is why a paradigm shift is needed: the epistemological model of (persuasive and mutually intelligible) communication needs to be abandoned in favor of a model based on incommunication.

The Louvre Abu Dhabi, which opened in November 2017, is viewed as a success on the part of French cultural diplomacy. Although it is too early to evaluate the project, it is already possible to analyze the discourses made use of by France and the UAE since the agreement was signed in 2007. The Emiratis treat the project as a part of their nation branding strategy; the French focus on their universalist intentions. The Louvre Abu Dhabi is a challenge to the foundations of French cultural diplomacy, which is informed by the disengaging of the state (reduced public funding) and the stepping-back of French diplomacy from the international scene.

This research addresses the emotional attachments that exist within virtual communities. Online communities and their recent virtualization have fueled the interest of many researchers. Within this field, this study examines the emotional determinants that inform and guide users as they participate in these communities. It is based on netnography of four virtual communities; the two principal French and American political parties. These communities have more than 3 million users and more than 200,000 of their comments were examined. The results show that love and hate are the main emotional reactions expressed within online communities.